‏إظهار الرسائل ذات التسميات women_right. إظهار كافة الرسائل
‏إظهار الرسائل ذات التسميات women_right. إظهار كافة الرسائل

7/23/2013

Brave Little Girl Flees Forced Marriage, Records Powerful Testimonial #yemen


Brave Little Girl Flees Forced Marriage, Records Powerful Testimonial

 


The longstanding severity of Yemen's child marriages is gaining some much needed sunlight this week after a young survivor of this shocking custom took it upon herself to speak out on behalf of the untold many who can't.

Nada al-Ahdal, an 11-year-old from Sana’a, had been promised by her parents to an adult suitor not once, but twice.
The "gifted singer" had been raised by her uncle Abdel Salam al-Ahdal since practically birth, and had been given the opportunity to go to school and learn English.
Abdel Salam, who was also raising a nephew and his aging mother, attempted to guard young Nada from any attempt by her biological parents to marry her off to a rich groom, having experienced the death of his sister by self-immolation over an arranged marriage.
When Nada turned 10, Abdel Salam learned that Nada's mother and father had indeed sold her off to a Yemeni expat living in Saudi Arabia.
He phoned the groom in a panic, desperate to get him to rescind his offer.
"I called the groom and told him Nada was no good for him," Abdel Salam told the Lebanese publication NOW. "I told him she did not wear the veil and he asked if things were going to remain like that. I said ‘yes, and I agree because she chose it.’ I also told him that she liked singing and asked if he would remain engaged to her."
The man was persuaded to call the whole thing off, leaving Nada's parents "disappointed."
Months later they arrived in Sana'a, ostensibly to visit their daughter, but in reality were there to kidnap her and attempt another arranged marriage.
Nada asked to be returned to her uncle, but was told she had already been promised to someone.
Saying she would run away, Nada's family reportedly threatened her with death, but were unable to stop her escape.
She reunited with her uncle, who took her straight to the authorities.
After an investigation was opened into the forced marriage allegations, Nada's dad suddenly backed off the idea, and permitted her to continue living with her uncle.
"I managed to solve my problem, but some innocent children can't solve theirs," Nada said in a confessional released yesterday by MEMRI-TV. "[A]nd they might die, commit suicide, or do whatever comes to mind...It's not our fault. I'm not the only one. It can happen to any child."

7/11/2013

#Egypt needs a revolution against #sexual_violence


In November 2011, after I joined a protest on Mohamed Mahmoud Street in Cairo with a friend, Egyptian riot police beat me – breaking my left arm and right hand – and sexually assaulted me. I was also detained by the interior minister and military intelligence for 12 hours.
After I was released, it took all I had not to cry when I saw the look on the face of a very kind woman I'd never met before, except on Twitter, who came to pick me up and take me to the emergency room for medical attention. (She is now a cherished friend.)
As I described to the female triage nurse what had had happened to me, she stopped at "and they sexually assaulted me" to ask:
how could you let them do that to you? Why didn't you resist?

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It had been about 14 or 15 hours since riot police had attacked me; I just wanted to be X-rayed to see if they had broken anything. Both arms looked like the Elephant Man's limbs. I explained to the nurse that when you're surrounded by four or five riot police, whacking at you with their night sticks, there isn't much "resisting" one can do.
I've been thinking a lot about that exchange with the nurse. Whenever I read the ghastly toll of how many women were sexually assaulted during last week's protests against Mohamed Morsi in Tahrir Square, I have to wonder about such harshness after brutality.

Activists with grassroots groups on the ground who intervene to extricate women from sexual violence in Tahrir said they documented more than 100 cases; several were mob assaults, several requiring medical attention. One woman was raped with a sharp object. I hope none was asked "why didn't you resist?"

This isn't an essay on how Egyptian regimes like Mubarak's targeted female activists and journalists as a political ploy. Nor is it about how regimes like Morsi's largely ignored sexual violence, and even when it did acknowledge it, blamed women for bringing assaults upon themselves. Nor is it an article about how such assaults and such refusal to hold anyone accountable have given a green light to our abusers that women's bodies are fair game. Nor will I tell you that – were it not for the silence and denial surrounding sexual assault in Egypt – such assaults would not be enacted so frequently on women's bodies on the Egyptian streets.
I don't know who is behind those mob assaults in Tahrir, but I do know that they would not attack women if they didn't know they would get away with it and that the women would always be asked "why didn't you resist?"




From the ground up, we need a national campaign against sexual violence in Egypt. It must push whoever we elect to govern Egypt next, as well as our legislators, to take sexual assaults more seriously.
If our next president chooses – as Morsi did – to address the nation from a stage in Tahrir Square for the inauguration, let him (or her) salute the women who turned out in their thousands upon thousands in that same square, knowing they risked assaults and yet refusing to be pushed out of public space. The square's name literally means "liberation", and it will be those women who, in spite of the risk of sexual violence, will have helped to enable his (or her) presence there as the new president of Egypt.
Undoubtedly, the Egyptian interior ministry needs reform, especially when it comes to how it deals with sexual assault. The police rarely, if ever, intervene, or make arrests, or press charges. It was, after all, the riot police themselves who assaulted me. Their supervising officer even threatened me with gang rape as his conscripts continued their assault of me in front of him.



--> Any woman who ends up in the ER room deserves much better than "why didn't you resist?" Nurses and doctors need training in how best to care for survivors of sexual assault and how to gather evidence.Female police units are said to have been introduced at various precincts, but they need training. They also need rape kits – in the unlikely event any woman actually gathers herself enough to report rape in Egypt. When I was reporting on sexual violence in Cairo in the 1990s, several psychiatrists told me their offices were the preferred destination for women who had survived sexual violence, be it at home or on the streets, because they feared being violated again in police stations.
While that fear is still justifiable today, something has begun to change: more and more women are willing to go public to recount their assaults. I salute those women's courage, but I wonder where they find comfort and support after their retelling is over. PTSD therapy is not readily available in Egypt. We need to train more of our counsellors to offer it to those who want it.
We need to recruit popular football and music stars in advertising campaigns: huge, presidential election campaign style billboards across bridges and buildings – addressing men with clear anti-sexual violence messages, for example – as well as television and radio spots. Culture itself has a role to play in changing this culture: puppet theatre and other arts indigenous to Egypt can help break the taboo of speaking out; and we need more TV shows and films that tackle sexual assaults in their storylines.
There is an innate and burning desire for justice in Egypt. Revolutions will do that. We need to coordinate efforts and aim high to ensure such a campaign meets the needs of girls and women across the country, not just Cairo and the big cities.
In January 2012, I spent a few days with a fierce 13-year-old girl we'll call Yasmine, for a documentary film, on which I was a writer, called Girl Rising. The film paired nine female writers with girls each from their country of birth whose stories they recounted to illustrate the importance of girls' education.
Five months before we met, Yasmine had survived a rape. My arms were still broken and in casts when we met and I naively considered removing the casts and pretending I was OK in order to "protect her". I did not want her to think that 30 years down the line, at my age, she could still be subject to such violation.
She certainly did not need my protection and I'm glad I kept my casts on, because as soon as we met, she simply and forthrightly told me:

I'm going to open my heart to you and you're going to open your heart to me, OK?
She then went on to recount what happened to her. I admired her courage and her insistence on going to the police with her mother to report the rape. She was lucky she found an understanding police officer who took her complaint seriously.
When I told her what had happened to me, she was shocked that it was police who'd attacked me. "Have you reported what happened to you? Have you taken them to court?" she asked me.
Yasmine has not had a single day of formal education. She believed she deserved justice. We all do.

6/06/2013

#Egypt: Time to address violence against women in all its forms

Violence against women in Egypt gained national and international attention following a series of well-publicized sexual assaults on women in the vicinity of Tahrir Square earlier this year during protests commemorating the second anniversary of the “25 January Revolution”.
Unfortunately, these instances of violence against women were neither isolated nor unique.


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Whether in the public or private spheres, at the hands of state or non-state actors, violence against women in Egypt continues to go mostly unpunished.



Most cases go unreported for a plethora of reasons that stem from discriminatory gender stereotypes, the lack of women’s awareness of their rights, social and family pressures to remain silent, discriminatory legislation and women’s economic dependence. Even when women do surmount these obstacles and turn to state institutions for protection, justice and reparation, they are often confronted with dismissive or abusive officials who fail to refer cases to prosecution or trial, and lengthy and expensive court proceedings if they want to get divorced. Women who do manage to obtain a divorce then face the likelihood that court orders for child support or spousal maintenance will not be enforced.
In recent weeks during an Amnesty International mission to Egypt, I met several women and girls who were assaulted by their husbands and other relatives. Many suffer in silence for years while they are subjected to beatings, severe physical and verbal abuse and rape.
Om Ahmed (mother of Ahmed) told me that her husband began drinking and beating her after three years of marriage. She recounted daily abuse, punctuated with particularly vicious attacks. In one instance, her ex-husband smashed a full glass bottle on her face, leaving her without her front teeth. She stayed with him for another 17 years, partially, she explained, because she had nowhere else to go, and partially because she did not want to bring “shame” on her family. She never considered approaching the police, shrugging:
“The police don’t care, they don’t think it is a problem if a husband beats his wife. If you are a poor woman, they treat you like you don’t even exist and send you back home to him after hurling a few insults.”
Eventually, Om Ahmed’s husband kicked her out of their home, and for the next year she lived with her three children in an unfinished building in an informal settlement without running water and electricity. After two years in family court, she was awarded a meagre 150 Egyptian pounds (approx. US$21) per month for her daughter’s child support (her other two children don’t qualify for it as they over 18). Her own spousal maintenance decision is still pending.
Unlike Egyptian Muslim men who can divorce their wives unilaterally – and without giving any reason – women who wish to divorce their abusive husbands have to go to court and prove “fault” or that their marriage caused them “harm”. To prove physical harm, they have to present evidence, such as medical reports or eyewitness testimony, in proceedings that are drawn out and expensive. Many women’s rights lawyers and lawyers working in family court cases told me that this is a very difficult task for many women because they don’t always report the abuse to the police, and neighbours, who are usually the only witnesses other than household members, are reluctant to get involved.
I met one woman who had a particularly striking case. She told me:
“We [my ex-husband and I] only lived together for a few months, but it took me six years to get a divorce, and I am still in court to get my full [financial] rights back. Problems started soon after we got married, and he would beat me. His mother and sisters were also abusive… After a particularly bad beating, I went to the police station to lodge a complaint, but I withdrew it under pressure [from my husband who threatened me]. The case took so long because he had good lawyers who knew all the loopholes in the law.”
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In 2000, a second option for women seeking divorce was introduced, whereby women can obtain khul’ (no-fault divorce) from the courts without having to prove harm, but only if they forego their right to spousal maintenance and other financial rights. These court proceedings can still take up to a year and put women who are financially dependent on their husbands at a severe disadvantage. Despite this, several divorcees told Amnesty International that they opted for khul’ after waiting for a court fault-based divorce for years.
Twenty-four-year-old Om Mohamed (mother of Mohamed) told Amnesty International:
“We have been separated for over four years, but I am still neither married nor divorced… I was trying to prove all this time in court that he didn’t spend any money on me or our son, and that [my husband] used to beat me with whatever he could find under his hands, including belts and wires. Every time I go to court, the hearing is postponed, and I need this or that paper. I spent a lot of money on lawyers, and got nowhere… Eventually, I gave up and in January [2013] I raised a khul’ case.”


During my visit to Egypt in May and June this year, I also met women and girls who suffered violence and sexual abuse at the hands of other relatives. A 17-year-old girl told me that she ran away from home after a particularly brutal beating by her brother, who stabbed her in the nose with a kitchen knife, and burned her with a hot iron. Her scars corroborated her story. She was too scared to report the incident at the hospital where she sought treatment, as her brother had accompanied her and threatened to kill her if she spoke out. She spent months wandering the streets before being admitted into a private shelter for children.
Another woman who fled home after her brother sexually assaulted her found temporary protection in a shelter run by an association under the Ministry of Insurances and Social Affairs. She fled from the shelter after the administration insisted that she give them her brother’s contact details, to try to set up a “reconciliation meeting”.
There are only nine official shelters across Egypt, which are severely under-resourced and in need of capacity-building and training. Most survivors of domestic violence don’t even know they exist. The idea of shelters is not widely accepted, because of the stigma attached for women living outside their family or marital homes.
A staff member at a shelter recounted to me how, after an awareness-raising session in a village in Upper Egypt, a village leader got up and – in front of all those gathered – threatened to “stab to death” any woman who dared to leave an abusive household and run to a shelter. In another instance, the husband of a woman living in a shelter threatened to set it on fire.
In May, the authorities announced the establishment of a special female police unit to combat sexual violence and harassment. While this may be a welcome step, the Egyptian authorities need to do much more to prevent and punish gender-based violence and harassment, starting by unequivocally condemning it. They also need to amend legislation to ensure that survivors receive effective remedies. They must also show political will and tackle the culture of denial, inaction and, in some cases complicity, of law enforcement officials who not only fail to protect women from violence but also to investigate properly all allegations and bring perpetrators to trial.
Egyptian women were at the forefront of the popular protests that brought down Hosni Mubarak’s presidency some two and a half years ago. Today, they continue to challenge the prevailing social attitudes and gender biases that facilitate violence against women, in all its forms, to continue with impunity – while they continue their fight against marginalization and exclusion from the political processes shaping the country’s future.
Meanwhile, with the help of human and women’s rights organizations, seven women who were sexually assaulted around Tahrir Square lodged a complaint with the prosecution in March 2013 calling for accountability and redress. Investigations were started, but have since stalled.
One of the lawyers for the women was told by a prosecutor that the case was not that “important” compared to other cases on his desk. But the plaintiffs are not giving up. As one of them told Amnesty International: “Even as I was being abused, I felt that I will not stay quiet, I will not back down. They have to be punished.”

By Diana Eltahawy, Amnesty International’s Egypt researcher

أمة متدينة

نحن أمة متدينة .. ولكننا نحتل المركز الأول على العالم في البحث عن كلمة SEX في جوجل



نحن أمة متدينة .. ولكن نسبة التحرش الجنسي لدينا هي الأعلى على مستوى العالم

نحن أمة متدينة .. ولكننا نُكفِّر كل من يخالفنا الرأي متناسين حرمة التكفير في ديننا
...
نحن أمة متدينة .. ولكننا عندما نشتم بعضنا البعض نسب الرب ولا ننسى المحصنات

نحن أمة متدينة .. ولكننا لا نعتبر المرأة إلا أداة للمتعة والانجاب

نحن أمة متدينة .. ننظر للغرب على أنهم كفار ولكن في نفس الوقت نتسابق على أبواب السفارات للهجرة

نحن أمة متدينة.. ولكننا ننظر لأي امرأة تتزوج من شاب أصغر على أنها لعوب واستغلالية .

نحن أمة متدينة.. ولكننا نخشى العباد .. أكثر من خشيتنا لرب العباد !!!!

نحن أمة متدينة.. ولكننا لسنا أمة مؤمنة
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6/05/2013

A Shameful Neglect

 Afghanistan's iniquities are grotesque. At Kabul University last week, zealots -- all men -- protested a law that would abolish child marriage, forced marriage, marital rape, and the odious practice, called ba'ad, of giving girls away to settle offenses or debts. Meanwhile, in jails all over the country, 600 women, the highest number since the fall of the Taliban, await trial on charges of such moral transgressions as having been raped or running away from abusive homes. 




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It is tempting to wring our hands at such obscene bigotry, to pity Afghanistan's women and vilify its men. Instead, we must look squarely at our own complicity in the shameful circumstances of Afghan women, billions of international aid dollars and 12 years after U.S. warplanes first bombed their ill-starred land.
I have been traveling to Afghanistan since 2001, mostly to its hardscrabble hinterland, where the majority of Afghans live. Over the years, I have cooked rice and traded jewelry with Afghan women, cradled their anemic children, and fallen asleep under communal blankets in their cramped mud-brick homes. I have seen firsthand that the aid we give ostensibly to improve their lives almost never makes it to these women. Today, just as 12 years ago, most of them still have no clean drinking water, sanitation, or electricity; the nearest clinic is still often a half day's walk away, and the only readily available palliative is opium. Afghan mothers still watch their infants die at the highest rate in the world, mostly of waterborne diseases such as bacterial and protozoal diarrhea, hepatitis, and typhoid.
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Instead of fixing women's lives, our humanitarian aid subsidizes Afghanistan's kleptocrats, erects miniature Versailles in Kabul and Dubai for the families of the elite, and buys the loyalty of sectarian warlords-turned-politicians, some of whom are implicated in sectarian war crimes that include rape. Yet, for the most part, the U.S. taxpayers look the other way as the country's amoral government steals or hands out as political kickbacks the money that was meant to help Afghan women -- all in the name of containing what we consider the greater evil, the Taliban insurgency. In other words, we have made a trade-off. We have joined a kind of a collective ba'ad, a political deal for which the Afghan women are the price.
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To be sure, a lot of well-meaning Westerners and courageous Afghans have worked very hard to improve women's conditions, and there has been some headway as far as women's rights are concerned. The number of girls signed up for school rose from just 5,000 before the U.S.-led invasion to 2.2 million. In Kabul and a handful of other cities, some women have swapped their polyester burqas for headscarves. Some even have taken jobs outside their homes. But here, too, progress has been uneven. A fifth of the girls enrolled in school never attend classes, and most of the rest drop out after fourth grade. Few Afghan parents prioritize education for their daughters because few Afghan women participate in the country's feudal economy, and because Afghan society, by and large, does not welcome education for girls or emancipation of women. To get an idea about what the general Afghan public thinks of emancipation, consider this: the post-2001 neologism "khanum free" -- "free woman," with the adjective transliterated from the English -- means "a loose woman," "a prostitute." In villages, women almost never appear barefaced in front of strangers.
Doffing their burqas is the least of these women's worry. Their real problem is the intangible and seemingly irremovable shroud of endless violence. It stunts infrastructure and perpetuates insecurity and fear. It deprives women of the basic human rights we take for granted: to have enough food and drinking water that doesn't fester with disease; to see all of their children live past the age of five. The absence of basic necessities and the violence that has concussed Afghanistan almost continuously since the beginning of recorded history are the main reasons the country has the fifth-lowest life expectancy in the world. The war Westerners often claim to be fighting in the name of Afghan women instead helps prolong their hardship -- with little or no compensation. And now, as the deadline for the international troop pullout approaches, the country is spinning toward a full-blown civil war. A handful of hardline men shouting slogans at Kabul University fades in comparison.
How to help Afghan women? The road to their wellbeing begins with food security, health care that works, and a government that protects them against sectarian violence. Right now, none of these exist. I wish I could offer an adequate solution to the tragic circumstances of the women of Afghanistan's back-of-beyond. There does not appear to be one. Hurling yet more aid dollars into a intemperate funnel that will never reach their villages is not the answer: there is little reason to believe that we can count that such funding would be spent on creating enough mobile clinics to pay regular visits to remote villages; build roads that would allow the women and their families easy access to market; facilitate sanitation projects that would curb major waterborne diseases. The impending troop withdrawal means that women's security will likely go from bad to worse.
Is it possible to ensure that some of the funding we now hand to Karzai and Co. -- an estimated $15.7 billion in 2010-2011, according to the CIA (and that's not counting the infamous ghost money) -- is distributed among the small non-profits that actually are trying to make life in Afghanistan livable, organizations that create mobile clinics to pay regular visits to remote villages, build roads that allow villagers easier access to market, facilitate sanitation projects that curb major waterborne diseases? This could be a start, but only if these organizations continue to work in Afghanistan after NATO troops leave. That, too, is in question now: this week an attack against the International Committee for Red Cross led the organization to suspend its operations in the country for the first time in almost 30 years. But wringing our hands at Afghan women's abysmal state and shaky social status is not a way out. It is a navel-gazing conversation that avoids looking squarely at our role in perpetuating the very dire condition we condemn

5/09/2013

Domestic violence in Saudi Arabia made headlines worldwide

 domestic violence in Saudi Arabia made headlines worldwide

Saudi Arabia, a country not exactly known for progressive attitudes toward women, has launched its first major campaign against domestic violence  — its latest effort to embrace, at least superficially, some women’s rights reforms.
The ads in the “No More Abuse” campaign show a woman in a dark veil with one black eye. The English version reads “some things can’t be covered.” The Arabic version, according to Foreign Policy‘s David Kenner, translates roughly as “the tip of the iceberg.” A Web site for the campaign includes a report on reducing domestic violence and emergency resources for victims.


Exact figures on domestic violence are hard to come by. The State Department’s most recent human rights report cites estimates that 16 to 50 percent of Saudi wives suffer some kind of spousal abuse. Saudi law does not criminalize domestic violence or spousal rape, and social repercussions can make reporting violence of any kind difficult. Both rape and domestic violence “may be seriously underreported,” according to the State Department report.


The Saudi government has begun to address the problem, at least in name. In 2008, a prime ministerial decree ordered the expansion of “social protection units,” its version of women’s shelters, in several large cities, and ordered the government to draft a national strategy to deal with domestic violence, according to the United Nations. Several royal foundations, including the King Abdulaziz Center for National Dialogue and the King Khalid Foundation, have also led education and awareness efforts.
None of this changes the fact, of course, that Saudi Arabia remains an often difficult place to be a woman. The World Economic Forum ranks the country 131st out of 135 for its record on women’s rights, citing a total lack of political and economic empowerment.
The country has a strong record on women’s health and education, however: On metrics such as enrollment in higher education, Saudi Arabia actually scores well above the global average.
Some of those well-educated women are leading the fight against domestic violence now. Maha Almuneef, a pediatrician, directs the National Family Safety Program, an anti-violence effort that has also benefited from the patronage of Saudi Arabia’s Princess Adela.
“Reporting violence and abuse should be compulsory, and there should be a witness protection program,” Adela said at a 2009 conference on ending the country’s domestic abus

5/08/2013

A Man Dresses As A Woman To Experience Cairo's Street Harassmen

A Man Dresses As A Woman To Experience Cairo's Street Harassmen

 

4/11/2013

الجنس في مجتمعنا " الشرقي " و نظرة الناس المزدوجة ليه


الجنس في مجتمعنا " الشرقي " و نظرة الناس المزدوجة ليه

الجنس هو أقصى درجة من ممارسة الحب بين الاحباء فيعتبره أغلب الرجال شيئا عظيما

و في نفس الوقت إذا أراد أحدهم إهانة شخص ما وصفه بألفاظ جنسية هو أو أمه أو زوجته و كأن الفعل الجنسي هنا إهانة أو ازدراء لا معنى عظيم للحب

إذا وجد الرجل في شريكته درجة ما من المعرفة الجنسية أو التجاوب الجنسي اعتبرها " شمال " و شك في أخلاقها

و إن وجد فيها جهلا أو عدم تجاوب اعتبرها " باردة " و غير مؤهلة لممارسة الحب معه ..

البنت تربى طول عمرها إن عيب تكلم الولاد أو تختلط بيهم .. الرجال جميعا أشرار و في نفس الوقت نطلب منها مرة واحدة أن تتعرى و تمارس الجنس مع زوجها الذي ربما لم تعرفه بالقدر الكافي و ربما يختلط لديها مفهوم الفضيلة فيخلق لديها مفهوم سلبي عن الجنس و مقاومة لا إرادية حتى مع زوجها


هي لا تعرف هل الجنس عيبا أو حراما أو مصدرا للسعادة

هي لا تعرف هل جسدها مصدر للنشوة أو الازدراء

هذه الازدواجية في مفهوم الرجال عن الجنس تجعل المرأة في حيرة في التعامل مع هذه الغريزة الراقية

4/09/2013

Brides Bought, Sold and Resold







With millions more men than women in India,  many wonder about the state of bachelorhood in IndiaOffering.  Jaisalmer.

There have been arguments that this “shortage” of women [as if women are a commercial resource] would force the ‘gender’ ratio to fix itself! But that doesn’t seem to be the case.

The gender ratio keeps plummeting, and you don’t have communities going into panic saying “We need to find a woman for sex and reproduction!!”   Why is this economic/ “women as commodity” theory not working out the way it was assumed it would?


Perhaps because Indian men indeed view women as “commodity!”  And since there is a shortage of “female commodity” the users have found other methods of procuring women! They are now BUYING, SELLING, AND RECYCLING! It is another response to “commodity shortage”, and is essentially the Indian version of DOMESTIC SEX-TRAFFICKING.   This is a practice in India that is as old as female gendercide, and there are reports that it existed even as early as the 1900s.  Only now, with plummeting gender ratios, the practice is out in the open and increasing rapidly.  It is often referred to as ‘BRIDE-TRAFFICKING.’



Much of this sex-trafficking is in the guise of ‘marriage.’   Each family, community and people involved call it a ‘marriage.’  The girl or woman is sold as a ‘bride’ to a man.  She may be married to one man in a family but is used for sex and reproduction by the other men within the same family.  She is then re-sold again as a ‘bride’ to another family.  Some women are sold and resold up to four times, and there are indications that there are thousands of such ‘brides’ being trafficked in the name of ‘marriage.’ Most of these girls are 15 years or younger and often kidnapped and sold into “bride-trafficking”.

Government officials explain their lack of action against this form of sex-trafficking with, “”If they are legally wedded, what can we do.”

However, from many rural areas, families will often sell their daughters to a commercial “agent” for as little as U.K. £15

There is one report of a man beheading his “bought” wife for refusing to sleep with his brothers.

Munni who was forced to have sex with her husbands brothers, has had three sons from them.  It is interesting that all her children are boys, no girls.   It is believed that there may be many more women like Munni in the region. Here is Munni’s story in her wordsBride of India:

“My husband and his parents

said I had to share myself with his brothers…

They took me whenever they wanted – day or night.

When I resisted, they beat me with

anything at hand…Sometimes they threw me

out and made me sleep outside or they poured kerosene over

me and burned me.”



ABOUT THE PHOTOGRAPHERS: Claire Pismont and Delphines are members of The 50 Million Missing Campaign’s Photographers Group on Flickr.   supported by more than 2400 photographers from around the world.   To see more of each of their works, please click on the pictures.





how horrible !!!!! Proud Muslims raping Coptic Christians in #Egypt in the daytime

how horrible !!!!! Proud Muslims raping Coptic Christians in in the daytime




Proud Muslims raping Coptic Christians in Egypt in the daytime from semo on Vimeo.

4/08/2013

شفت تحرش I saw #harassment #egypt #Sexual_violence

4/02/2013

ما بين الفخذين.. sexual_Harassment# #Sexual_violence


كلام بنت مقهورة  من المعرصين الباردين الى اسمهم رجالة وهما اقل كتير من معنى الكلامة 

الآتي هو في الحقيقة كلام قبيح و عيب وخادش للحياء.. قد   يكون محظور لبعض منكم.. ولذلك.. إذا قررت أن تقرأ ..إقرأ على مسؤليتك..
العاشرة صباحاً.. يوم الجمعة..
كم هي جميلة شوارع القاهرة في الشتاء.. في الصباح.. الناس نياماً.. معظم المحلات مغلقة.. العصافير تتحرك بحرية أكبر.. فليس هناك من ينافسها في المساحات..
فستاني زهري اللون طويل وفضفاض.. وملفوف على خصري حزامه الأبيض الرقيق.. وحذائي بسيط متواضع لا يحب أن يعلو عن الأرض بأكثر من عدة سنتيمترات.. وإيشاربي أبيض بياض اللبن..
انحنيت لأزيح قشرة الموز التي تركها أحدهم على الأرض خوفاً من أن تؤذي أحدا.. ضربني أحدهم على مؤخرتي.. لم أفهم.. شعرت بالإهانة والإحراج.. فوراً استقمت وتفحصت الأشخاص حولي في ذعر.. رأيته على عجلته يضحك ويشاور بيده وقال بصوت عال  "لا تمام..تمام .. جامدة بصراحة"..  ورحل..
رأيت عدة أشخاص ينظرون إلى ما حدث ببرود.. بسلبية.. نظرت إلى كل منهم في عينيه.. هناك من كان يكتم ضحكته وهناك من استدار بنظره عني..
عدت فوراً إلى المنزل أشعر بالإشمئزاز من نفسي..أكتم دمعاتي.. أشعر بالضعف.. اشعر أنني مهانة.. مُستخدمة.. نظرت إلى ملابسي في المرآه.. لم يكن هناك شيئاً مستفز.. لم يكن هناك شيئاً مثير..
انتظرت أبي ليستيقظ لأروي له ما حدث.. وقد كان..
رد علي: "أيه منزلك لوحدك الجمعة الصبح؟ والشوارع بتبقى فاضية؟ ما هو لو كان معاكي راجل لما جرؤ على ده..كام مرة أقول مافيش نزول لوحدك! استحملي بقى وما تشتكيش.. خليهم يقفشوا فيكي.. شكلك بقيتي بتتبسطي بده!"
آلمني رد والدي أكثر من الحدث نفسه.. شعرت بأنه أجرم في حقي أكثر من هذا الشاب الذي ضربني.. شعرت وكأن كلاهما  وجهين لعملة واحدة.. الذكورية.. هل أحتاج رجل كلما وطأت قدمي الشارع فعلاً؟ حسناً..!
يوم الأحد.. خرجت من محطة المترو وترجلت المسافة الباقية لمقر العمل..  وقف هناك رجل عربة "الفول" يبسبس لي وكأنني قطته المنزلية..  آثرت ألا أنظر إليه علّه يتوقف.. لم يتوقف.. وبدأ في الغناء "ياما نفسي أركب الحنطور واتحنطر.. اتحنطر آه"
بدأت الدماء تجري في عروقي..  تغلي.. هذا الحيوان يقصدني.. يقصد إهانتي.. نظرت إليه نظرات غاضبة.. مليئة بالشرارة.. ولكني لم أجد في وجهه حياء.. فقط هذه الإبتسامة المتسعة الحمقاء.. وكأنه كان سعيد برؤيتي مغتاظة.. تذكرت كلمات أبي.. أنه ليس يوم الجمعة.. والشارع ليس خال بل مكتظ جداً.. أنا لست وحدي بل محاطة بالعشرات من أصحاب الشنبات.. وملابسي جيدة وواسعة ولكن لم يمنعه ذلك من مضايقتي..
استرسل رجل الفول وقال: ياما نفسي امسكهم! آه يانا.. يا رب اوعدنا.."
لم أتمالك أعصابي.. توجهت إليه فوراً وقلت له " انت بتكلم مين أنا عايزة أفهم"؟
اتسعت عيناه من الذهول وقال: "هو انا جيت جنبك.. ايه تلقيح الجتت ده على الصبح!"
قلت: "انت هتستهبل أومال مين اللي منزلش عينه من علي وعمال يغني ويقول كلام قذر"
قال: وانتي بتاخديه على نفسك ليه! شكلك عايزة كده بقى.. بقولك ايه.. اصطبحي وقولي يا صبح!
كان الرجال حوله جميعهم في صفه.. و اثنين أو ثلاثة ربما قاموا بدور "المطيباتية"! خلاص يا آنسة.. ماتبهدليش نفسك..
رحلت عنه وأنا أشعر بالحماقة أنني أهنت نفسي مرة ثاني.. كنت أشعر بالغضب منهم جميعاً.. رجل العجلة.. أبي.. رجل الفول.. وكل الرجال الذين شهدوا هذه المواقف ولم يتحرك لهم ساكن!
مر يوم العمل على بصعوبة وأنا أفكر ماذا سأفعل.. كيف أثأر لنفسي.. وقررت..
في الصباح الباكر.. حضرت نفسي.. ارتديت بنطلوناً وغطيت نفسي جيداً استعداداً لما قد يحدث.. أخذت معداتي وانطلقت..
في نفس الطريق.. نفس الميعاد.. كان نفس الرجل.. يبسبس مرة أخرى.. فنظرت إليه وابتسمت .. فصفق بكلتا يديه قال :ايوه بقى هو ده الكلام "
فرفعت حاجبي.. واتخذت ركنا قريباً منه وجلست وأنا مسمرة نظري عليه..
استغرب هو.. أمطرني بوابل من التعليقات القذرة والسخيفة.. وأنا لا أتحرك.. أضحك وأراقبه بتفحص.. أخرجت تليفوني المحمول.. وبدأت تصويره بالفيديو..  وركزت نظري على جزئه السفلي المستتر تحت بنطلونه.... كان الجميع ينظر إلى باستغراب أيضاً.. معظمهم لاحظ على ماذا أنظر..عايزة ولا ايه"
بدأ يتوافد علي الرجال.. من يهمس في أذني ويقول لي .. شكلك بنت ناس عيب اللي بتعمليه ده.. يا انسه انتي هتنزلي لمستوى راجل بتاع فول بردو.. يا عيني عالاخلاق ده مافيش حياء خالص يا جدع! فين بنات زمان!
تعددت التعليقات.. لم يسألني أحدهم ماذا أفعل أو لماذا أفعل ذلك.. كل كان يرمي تعليقه ويرحل.. لم يقل له أحد لا يصح أن تفعل ذلك.. دائماً انا الفتاة هي المخطئة..
بالرغم من تعليقاتهم  كنت مصّرة على قراري.. لم أتراجع..
أكملت تصوير .. والرجل يسبني.. ثم شعرت به بدأ يشعر بالإحراج.. ربما الغيظ.. ابتسامتي لم تفارق وجهي.. وهو بدأ يغضب.. بدأ يحرك جسده عكس مكان جلوسي فاستدرت وذهبت لأصوره أيضاً..  ثم لمحت نظرات التحدي على وجهه وكأنه يقول.. ستدفعين الثمن أو من الآخر "أنا هاعرفك آخرك فين".. حاول إحراجي.. فلمس جزيه السفلي وهو يغمز لي محاولاً أن  إستفزازي. كان يتحداني...
برغم الإشمئزاز والقرف لم أتحرك.. كنت أصور ذلك أيضاً..
لكن أرسلت الفيديو فوراً على بريدي الإلكتروني ووضعت الهاتف في حقيبتي..
وعدت إلى مكان جلوسي.. نفس الإبتسامة المستفزة.. مركزة نظري على جزئه السفلي..
قال وقد ترك ما في يده بكل الغضب: "بتعملي ايه با بنت ال*****.. أنت صورتي مين.. امشي من هنا يا روح امك بدل ما امد ايدي عليكي..
قلت له: اعتذر عما قلت أمس.. أنت فعلت بي ما فعلته بك الآن.. حسيت بإيه وأنت متراقب؟ حسيت بإيه وانت مختصر في عضوك الجنسي؟ حسيت إنك محترم؟ كل يوم تسّمعني كلام وتضحك؟ مابتضحكش دلوقتي ليه؟
قال: انا ماجيتش ناحيتها يا جدعان..
قلت: وأنا بردو ماجيتش ناحيتك..
قال: بت انتي بقولك ايه.. توجه إلى وقد هم على ضربي.. بدأ الناس في التوافد علينا.. من يقول بس يا عم في ايه.. هتمد ايدك على بنت..
قلت بشجاعة: تعالى اضربني لو تقدر أنا هاحطك في السجن يا ****..
هم فعلاً على بالضرب.. ضربني على وجهي بمنتهى القوة.. فبدأ الناس في تكبيله.. وجاءت بعض النساء مهرولة عندما سمعوا صراخي..
قلت لهم: الراجل ده ضربني وأنا عايزة أخدوا على القسم.. كنت أعلم جيداً أنني أحتاج تعاطف الناس لآخذ حقي.. وأعلم أن الضرب جريمة يفهمها المجتمع.. أما التحرش لا!
وفعلاً توجهنا إلى القسم.. أتى معي 3 شباب مكبلين الرجل..
هناك أدليت بشهادتي.. وحررت محضر بالضرب.. وقلت فيه أنني عندما صورته وهو يفعل هذه الإشارات القذرة حاول التهجم علي ليأخذ التليفون.. هذ الرجل يتحرش بي كل يوم.. واليوم قررت تصويره..  أخذوا الرجل على الحبس وقد استكان وهدأت ملامحه الآن.. وقد بدت عليه ملامح الفقير المحروم الغلبان على باب الله الذي يبكي ويستغيث من ظلمي له!
و لكن من يسلب حقي في الحرية يستحق أن يُسلب حقه في الحرية أيضاً..
اليوم اشعر أنني حرة..
أشعر أنني قوية..
ضربة اليوم كانت لي عزة.. أما ضربة الأمس كانت لي درساً..
درساً علمني لمن أوجه أصابع الإتهام.. وعلمني أن الحقوق تنتزع ولا تطلب.. فمن يجعل ما بين فخذيه سيده.. سيؤول به الحال عبداً!



** 80% من أحداث القصة حقيقية
_ آلمني أن يُسب أبي من كثير منكم, ولذلك أردت أن أوضح أن شخصية الأب في القصة وهمية.. في الحقيقة أبي رجل مهذب يحظى باحترام الجميع وهو من ساندني لأزج بمن تحرش بي في السجن. فقط كنت أوضح ما تمر به نساءنا وهو ما أكدته رسائلكم لي من خلال شخصية الأب.. فهذه هي الردود التي تسمعها الفتاة حينما تبوح بألمها.
ميرال

3/26/2013

#yemen Smaller absolute In The world


Smaller absolute in the world facing her father to recover her money and save her sister


seems to be still a long way to go before the Yemeni girl, Nujood Ahdal , before they turn her dreams and reality to it.

After having gained fame after extracted the right of divorce from a husband associated with him against her will in the eight-year-old, Nujood finds itself again facing difficult circumstances with her ​​father, who put his hand on the money, and began planning to marry her baby sister.
Between her dream of becoming a lawyer defending the oppressed, press or pursue their rights, became Highlands - which has gained the title of the world's smallest absolute after they received the dislocation at the age of nine - in the heart of the new suffering, restore her father entered it.
The girl, who won the "Woman of the Year" in 2008 to become a symbol of all Yemeni in addressing early marriage, spoke to Mendoah site in Sanaa, she suffers today from beating her father to her and her sisters and her mother, after laying his hand on the full monthly amount which was received from the proceeds of selling novel written about Amabadtha caused by forcing them to marry.
Highlands lost money in the hands of her father
Nujood says, French publishing house that issued the novel translated into 19 languages ​​for their suffering, had been allocated a $ thousand dollars per month, in addition to providing a two-story house, securing education expenses.
But her father put his hand on the funds allocated to it, making it a material of living is very difficult.
She explains Nujood story, saying: "The father rented an apartment and shop on the first floor of the house, and combines it rents and puts it on his wives, and when I took Rent months to pay electricity and water bills so as not to separate us, shouted Ali and almost hit me .. was give me five thousand riyals ( about $ 25) then declined, and now my mother and my brothers live in difficult circumstances, because he spent on his wives, but I Voaich in my brother's house. "
She added: "I left home in search of safety from the screams and beatings that usually renewed when visiting my parents for the house, because he wants to output my mother and brothers of the house and soothe his wives."
She noted that the proceeds of the book up to her father's account, and spend it as he pleases, and said: "I have divorced one of his wives and marry another last year, and is now spent on his second and third wife .. But we have God."
Highlands: I no longer suffer only to my mother and my sister
And stresses the Highlands, which at the age of now 14 years, they are no longer hurting itself but "feared for her mother," and the fate of her sister small, Haifa, which at the age of now 13 years old, and wants her father to marry the brother of his wife last, which rejects Highlands .
Nujood says: "I support my sister not to marry, because I realized the existence of a legal age for marriage, and I do not like that tormented my sister like me."
And reveal Highlands, which preoccupied her story of millions around the world, all over the threat, saying: "miss my father when his wives for weeks and when it comes to home starts beating and problems, on one occasion Okhava Boukngerh .. my sister Haifa was forced to flee and resort to a uncles for two months, but returned home beyond because of increasing problems with my father and beat him for my mother. "
And conditions left to the school says Nujood, depriving her father of allocations for education, along with tense security situation during the recent demonstrations, and particularly measles region near the house, prevented the continuation of the study.
Also reported that it had received threats from a particular phone number, and had been prosecuted on one occasion when she returned from school, "which scared me in the absence of support me to achieve my ambition to return to school," according to the Highlands.
But Nujood still sticking to achieve the dream of educational attainment, she says: "I wish to travel out of Yemen, and go make me strong testimony to my father and in front of everyone."
Nujood lacks efforts lawyer
In the absence of a lawyer Shaza Nasser, which helped the art of legal battle and shared her award "Woman of the Year" "study abroad", did not find the boys Yemeni choice but to human rights activist Abdel-Alim Hamidi, who helped her to get ownership documents her home, as well as to extract passport.
Says Hamidi, who attended the meeting between CNN Arabic and Highlands, the latter facing many social problems, especially in light of the case of "ignorance and intolerance", which controls the case and their relationship with her family.
Nujood's father: boy and owned the right of the father
For his part, denied the father Nujood accusations by the daughter over placing his hand on the money and use it to link to the wives are new, and the attempt to coerce her younger sister for marriage.
Ali al-Ahdal for CNN Arabic: "I married my own money, I also borrowed from the people, and did not stretch out my hand to my daughter's money."
Ahdal reported that actually receive $ 900 out of thousand dollars Publishing House had pledged a month, and denied that he had acquired the full amount.
He said that amount is subject to the sharing, you get Nujood $ 500 of it, and the return of apartment and rental shop on the ground floor of the house back to them and to her mother.
Ahdal already acknowledged his desire to marry off his daughter Haifa, Nujood's younger sister, stressing that it already received her dowry, the amount of 500 thousand riyals (more than $ 2,300) from a man who Bouktabtha, "and was the disbursement of the whole family," he said.
He said: "I have the consent of the girl Haifa, her mother and her big brother Mohammad, a condition of this pony," he said, adding that if the family refused Haifa marriage, they should re-dowry that Qdoh.
Ahdal said he still pays 25 thousand riyals (116 dollars) rent the great house of his son Mohammed.
He argued: "The boy and have a king to his father .. or are they want Mkasemta in my children?"
By Nujood is still a long
And it seems, is still a long way to go Nujood to overcome the difficulties and achieve her dream, as it became clear that the access to freedom of divorce of man Ivegaha was various types of physical and psychological torment, what is the beginning of a journey of a thousand miles.

3/16/2013

#ksa Saudi Arabia: poverty, tyranny and congestion .. and "vices under the veil"

Women participating in the Counter-Terrorism International Conference pass an armored vehicle outside the conference center in Riyadh, the capital of Saudi Arabia Sunday 06 February 2005. Over 50 countries and international organizations including the United States, Syria and Iraq are participating in the 4-day international conference which will look at ways to battle terrorism around the world. EPA / MIKE NELSON + + + (c) dpa - Bildfunk + + +

Social issues

Saudi Arabia: poverty, tyranny and congestion .. and "vices under the veil"

The Saudi cleric denounced the close of the ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood to confiscate rights in Saudi Arabia and demanded reform, Saudi writer warned that Saudi Arabia is witnessing a time of reform and loose at the same time, and stressed the need to take advantage of the experiences of neighboring countries.
Condemned a prominent Saudi cleric of the stream near the thought of awakening the Muslim Brotherhood in the "open letter" Friday (March 15 / March 2013) confiscation of rights, calling for reform. And at the same time warned of congestion in the kingdom, which follow a conservative approach politically and religiously.
Salman wrote back in its website modeled on extracts that "people here have longings and demands and rights, and will not remain silent forever forfeited in whole or in part ... when man loses hope, you have to expect him anything."
The return to "negative feelings accumulated since the time for quite some ... if still feeling scared of people surmised them all, and if increased frequency of anger will not unhappy thing, with the rising anger lose symbols of legitimacy and political value, and become leadership, however the street."
He attributed the reasons Saudi cleric congestion to "financial and administrative corruption, unemployment, housing, poverty, poor health and education and the absence of political reform horizon", noting that "the continuation of the existing situation is impossible., But the question to track where it's heading?".
Salman returns considered that it was "necessary to release the detainees and decisiveness Jeddah إصلاحيي", in reference to the provisions, which were issued last Saturday sentenced prominent human rights activists about ten years each solve Jmeithma to lack of access to a license to carry out the business.
Authorities also arrested in 2007 a number of university professors and lawyers, in what has become known as the "cell Break Jeddah", some of the Awakening Movement. And sentenced to one of them, one of the symbols of the Umma Party of the Muslim Brotherhood to 30 years imprisonment.
Era of openness and loose
For his part, said Saudi writer Ali bin Mohammed quartet in his new book that while the era of King Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz, King of Saudi Arabia, is the era of reform and opening up, but there are currents in Saudi Arabia grappling in the name of religion and disparate religious glances.
Eine schwarz gekleidete Bettlerin mit einem Krückstock neben sich, kauert am Rande einer Straße in Riad, der Hauptstadt des Königreiches Saudi-Arabien, aufgenommen am 15.11.2006. Foto: Peer Grimm + + + (c) dpa - Report + + + Extreme poverty and obscene wealth and the main controversy revolves around the veil
This came in a four-book, titled "Clash of currents in Saudi Arabia." According to the book quartet that "the reality of the situation in Saudi Arabia turns the equation, with leaves Halim Hiran, scene current ... suggests that we did not consider what happened around us coups and Anfelataat, what Ajdhir For more tyranny and authoritarianism in the absence of the rule of law and institutions."
Under the title "Corruption and Reform", the author believes that experienced by the country now "make money the state between the rich and the society referred to two main layers: the rich getting richer and poor belch poorest and debt troubles, with the decline of the middle class gradually."
"Vices under the veil"
With regard to issues controversial "It extrapolation of the reality of offering cultural popular ideological in Saudi Arabia since unification early thirties of the twentieth century, as most of our issues that we are preparing substantial centered on whether the woman's face rougher or not and whether separate from women or contact them and the rule of leadership Women of the car and who are the Islamists and what are their specifications through the prerogative of liberals and who are infidels and atheists who want to show corruption in the country and among people? what we must to stand in the face of conspirators against religion. "
"These issues formal list under a veil accumulate beneath sometimes vices various manifestations of pleading by some Alshahuanyen to achieve exactly the mundane name of God and His laws. These problems overtaken by many Islamic countries economy is based mostly on the Saudi funding for failed country that feeds arteries world resources of petroleum that feeds people and awareness beyond the sterile debate and did not succeed the dominant culture in the cities transition to a society tools product in his thoughts and ideas and industry. "
J. A / p. (AFP, Reuters)

3/11/2013

#مصر كلنا ليلى : أول الليلات الجامعيات

كلنا ليلى : أول الليلات الجامعيات


هذه الصورة النادرة التى وجدت فى مجلة الاثنين و العالم الصادرة فى يوم 13 مارس 1945 هى صورة لخمس طلابات من اول 17 طالبة تتحلق بالجامعة فؤاد فى1929
اول طالبات فى الجامعة المصرية
اول طالبات فى الجامعة المصرية
و هنا مقالة لدكتورة نعيمة الايوبى فى نفس العدد تحت عنوان “كنت أول فتاة تدخل الجامعة
كنت اول فتاة تدخل الجامعة
كنت اول فتاة تدخل الجامعة

من المؤسف ان لا نتذكر دور تلك النساء و لا نتذكر اسمائهن ما عدا الدكتورة سهير القلماوى
عالفكرة قبل ان تلتحق تلك الفتيات بالجامعة كانت هناك محاضرات باللغة الفرنسية مخصصة لنساء الطبقة الثرية فى اطار ضيق فى مصر فى ذلك الوقت و كانتا الرائدتان لبيبة هاشم و ملك حفنى ناصف تترجمان تلك المحاضرات الى العربية لنشرها فى الصحف المصرية فى ذلك الوقت

3/10/2013

The uprising of women in the Arab world انتفاضة المرأة في العالم العربي


This campaign certainly deserves our support. Islam will not become a safe religion for anyone until Muslim women are free to live their own lives, and here are some women who are determined to fight for their freedom. The Logo of the campaign (the woman’s hair is a map of the Arab world.)
Inspired by the Arab Spring uprisings, four Arab women have launched a campaign titled “The Uprising of Women in the Arab World,” aimed at gaining “freedom, independence and security” for Arab women. The campaign promotes gender equality in accordance with the UN’s Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and calls to grant women freedom in the domains of expression, thought, schooling, employment, and the freedom to dress as they please, as well as political rights. The campaign’s Facebook page[1] features the full text of the Human Rights Declaration in Arabic, and there is also an official Twitter account.[2

 [Amongst those supporting the uprising is]
‘Alia Magda Al-Madhi from Egypt, who published nude photos of herself during the revolution in protest of oppression and attacks on freedom of expression: “I support The Uprising of Women in the Arab World because I was threatened with rape, incarceration, and murder. I was abducted, abused, and almost raped for posting an artful nude picture of myself and discussing women’s rights on my blog; for having sex with my lover; and for leaving my parents

I am with the uprising of women in the Arab world because I want to the society to see me first and foremost as a woman, before seeing me as a mother, a wife, a daughter"
Beirut, Lebanon - Zico House building, Sanayeh
March 8, 2013



ثماني مدن يقلن نعم لانتفاضة المرأة في العالم العربي
The Uprising of Women in the Arab World invades 8 Arab cities on March 8
(english below)


اليوم، الثامن من آذار/مارس 2013، تستيقظ كلّ من صنعاء وبيروت والقاهرة وتونس العاصمة وبنغازي وطنجة ورام الله وعمّان على صور نساء تغطي مبانٍ وتخاطب كل من تنظر/ينظر في عيونهن من المارّة. ستعلو صور النساء على مبنى وزارة الشباب والرياضة ومبنى مركزي بشارع السّتين في صنعاء باليمن، فندق السان جورج ومبنى زيكو هاوس في بيروت بلبنان، مبنى مكتبة مدبولي بميدان طلعت حرب في القاهرة بمصر، شارع 7 نوفمبر الطريق إكس باتجاه المطار في تونس العاصمة، مبنى وزارة التربية والتعليم في بنغازي بليبيا، مبنى الخزانة السينمائية بطنجة بالمغرب، ميدان المنارة في رام الله بفلسطين ومبنى في جبل الحسين بالقرب من دوّار الداخلية في عمّان بالأردن. ترتفع صور هذي النساء اليوم الجمعة، ليقلن بأن المرأة ليست عورة، ليقلن لا للتحرّش الجنسي ولا لكشوف العذريّة، ليصرخن بأنه من حق المرأة أن تمنح جنسيتها لزوجها وأبنائها كما الرجل، ليؤكدن بأنّهن كما شاركن في الثورات سيشاركن في بناء دولهنّ، ليستنهضن النساء والرجال للعمل سويّا من أجل نساء ينعمن بالحرية، الاستقلالية والأمان، ليقلن نعم لانتفاضة المرأة في العالم العربي. هذه اللافتات الضخمة هي مبادرة جديدة أطلقتها حركة "انتفاضة المرأة في العالم العربي" بمناسبة اليوم العالمي للمرأة. قامت بهذا النشاط مجموعة متطوّعة من ناشطات وناشطين مستقلين، بالتعاون مع مؤسسات ومبادرات منها "المرأة قضية وطن"-الأردن و"فلسطينيات" - فلسطين و"المرأة الجديدة" – مصر، بدعم من الفدرالية الدولية لحقوق الإنسان بالإضافة إلى أصحاب المباني المشاركة والخزانة السينمائية بطنجة. هذه الصور التي يتم تعليقها في الشارع العربي وفي يوم واحد هي رسالتنا لنندد بالظلم الذي تواجهه النساء في منطقتنا، لنحتفل بالنساء المنتفضات اللواتي يطالبن بحقوقهن ويدافعن عن حرياتهن، ولنؤكد على أن الثورات قامت من أجل الكرامة والعدالة والحرية، والمطالب الثلاثة هذه لا يمكن تحققها بتغييب المرأة عن المشهد العام.

Today, Friday March 8, 2013, the cities of Sanaa, Beirut, Cairo, Tunis, Benghazi, Tanger, Ramallah and Amman will woke up to pictures of women covering buildings and addressing each passer intersecting their gaze.
The women's pictures will be seen on:
- St Georges hotel as well as Zico House in Beirut, Lebanon;
- the Youth and Sports Ministry as well as a central building on the 60th Street in Sanaa, Yemen;
- Madboli Bookshop Building on Talaat Harb square in Cairo, Egypt;
- the Cinematheque of Tanger in Tanger, Morocco;
- the 7th of November Avenue, Route X, Airport, in Tunis, Tunisia;
- the Education Ministry in Benghazi, Libya;
- Manara Square in Ramallah, Palestine
- and Jabal al Hussein near Interior Affairs Ministry Circle in Amman, Jordan.
The photos raised on Friday March 8 will be stating that women are no shame. It will be saying no to sexual harassment, and no virginity tests. It will be crying out for women's right to give their nationality to their spouse and children. It will be reaffirming that women will participate in building their country, just like they have participated in the revolutions. It will be calling for women and men to work together for freedom, independence and safety of women. It will be saying a big YES to the uprising of women in the Arab world.
These huge banners are a new initiative launched by The Uprising of Women in the Arab World movement on International Women's Day. They are a joint action led by independent activists and organizations across the Arab world namely, "Almara' Kadiyyat Watan"-Jordan, "Filastiniyat"-Palestine, "New Woman Foundation"-Egypt, with the support of the International Federation of Human Rights in addition to the owners of the hosting buildings and the Cinematheque of Tangier-Morocco. These photos that will be raised on the same day in 8 cities around the Arab world are a message to denounce the injustice facing women in our region, to celebrate uprising women who are demanding their rights and defending their freedoms, and to emphasize that the Arab revolutions that were led in the name of dignity, justice and freedom, can not achieve their goals if women are being ignored or absented from the main scenery


على مبنى زيكو هاوس في بيروت: "أنا مع انتفاضة المرأة في العالم العربي لأني أريد أن يراني المجتمع كامرأة أولاً قبل أن يراني كأم، زوجة، ابنة"

"I am with the uprising of women in the Arab world because I want to the society to see me first and foremost as a woman, before seeing me as a mother, a wife, a daughter"
 
هذه اللافتات الضخمة هي مبادرة جديدة أطلقتها حركة "انتفاضة المرأة في العالم العربي" بمناسبة اليوم العالمي للمرأة. قامت بهذا النشاط مجموعة متطوّعة من ناشطات وناشطين مستقلين، بالتعاون مع مؤسسات ومبادرات منها "المرأة قضية وطن"-الأردن و"فلسطينيات" - فلسطين و"المرأة الجديدة" – مصر، بدعم من الفدرالية الدولية لحقوق الإنسان بالإضافة إلى أصحاب المباني المشاركة والخزانة السينمائية بطنجة. هذه الصور التي يتم تعليقها في الشارع العربي وفي يوم واحد هي رسالتنا لنندد بالظلم الذي تواجهه النساء في منطقتنا، لنحتفل بالنساء المنتفضات اللواتي يطالبن بحقوقهن ويدافعن عن حرياتهن، ولنؤكد على أن الثورات قامت من أجل الكرامة 
 والعدالة والحرية، والمطالب الثلاثة هذه لا يمكن تحققها بتغييب المرأة عن المشهد العام.

صورة ست البنات سميرة ابراهيم تعلو مبنى مكتبة مدبولي بميدان طلعت حرب في القاهرة بمصر.
المرأة رحم الثورات!

"I am with the uprising of women in the Arab world because she is the womb of revolutions"
Cairo, Egypt - Madboli Bookshop Building on Talaat Harb square


استيقظت تونس العاصمة اليوم في شارع 7 نوفمبر الطريق إكس باتجاه المطار على هذه الصورة وهي تخاطب كل من تنظر/ينظر في عيونها من المارّة.

"I am with the uprising of women because I am the revolution, I am not a shame"
Tunis, Tunisia - 7th of November Avenue, Route X, Airport
March 8, 2013
أما عمّان فقد استيقظت على هذه الصورة تعلو مبنى في جبل الحسين بالقرب من دوّار الداخلية في عاصمة الأردن.

"I am with the uprising of women in the Arab world because I am Jordanian and my nationally is a right for my children"
Amman, Jordan - Jabal al Hussein near Interior Affairs Ministry Circle
March 8, 2013
صورة ضخمة تعلو ميدان المنارة في رام الله بفلسطين: أنا مع انتفاضة المرأة العربية لاني فلسطينية ناضلت وأناضل وسأناضل حتى تحقيق الحرية والمساواة

"I am with the uprising of women in the Arab world because I have struggled, I am struggling and I will struggle to achieve freedom and equality"
Ramallah, Palestine - Manara Square
March 8, 2013
 
 صورة تعلو مبنى وزارة التربية والتعليم قيد الانشاء في بنغازي بليبيا.

"We are with the uprising of women in the Arab world
Just like we were part of the revolution, we will be part of building the State"
Benghazi, Libya - building under construction of the Ministry of Education
صورة تعلو مبنى السان جورج في بيروت تقول: "أنا مع انتفاضة المرأة في العالم العربي لأنو ما في اي سبب يمنعني كامرأة لبنانية من اني أعطي الجنسية لأولادي"

"I am with the uprising of women in the Arab world because I don't see any reason why I shouldn't be able to give my nationality to my children"
Beirut, Lebanon - St Georges Hotel, Ain El Mraisse
March 8, 2013

صورة على مبنى مركزي في شارع السّتين في صنعاء باليمن

"I am with the uprising of women in the Arab world because I will not hesitate in demanding my rights"
Sanaa, Yemen
March 8, 2013
 

على مبنى السينما في طنجة، تقول مروة: "أنا مع انتفاضة المرأة في العالم العربي لأني لن أصمت أمام التحرش الجنسي الذي اتعرض له يومياً في الشارع"

"I am with the uprising of women in the Arab world because I won''t stay silent facing the sexual harassment that I endure every day in the streets"
Tanger, Morocco - Cinémathèque of Tanger
March 8, 2013

"أنا مع إنتفاضة المرأة في العالم العربي لأنني حكمت اليمن وما زلت أمتلك القدرة والحكمة"
صنعاء، اليمن