‏إظهار الرسائل ذات التسميات Arab spring. إظهار كافة الرسائل
‏إظهار الرسائل ذات التسميات Arab spring. إظهار كافة الرسائل

3/08/2017

Hosni Mubarak Is Free

Wonder F*** land 
 Hosni Mubarak Is FREE
The Court of Cassation dropped on Thursday all charges against toppled President Hosni Mubarak in relation to ordering the killing of protesters during the January 25 revolution in 2011.
The charges had related to the deaths of 239 people and injuries of 1,588 across 11 governorates in Egypt.
Mubarak had been sentenced to life in prison in 2012 for the killing of protesters before appealing the sentence.



1/09/2017

ثوره جياع مصر

ثوره الجياع فى مصر



التاريخ يعيد نفسه مليون مره
امتى! و اوزى ! و ليه!

ثورة الجياع هتسيطر".. ماشي، تعالوا كدة نشوف إحتمالية قيام الثورة دي كام في المية؟

ثورة ٢٥ يناير قامت على النظام القديم، وأول مطالبها عيش  وبعدها حرية وبعدها عدالة إجتماعية، وطبعاً كلنا عارفين أزمة طوابير العيش وغلاء الأسعار، وأزمة أنابيب البوتاجاز قبل ٢٠١١ كانت عاملة إزاي؟

وقامت الثورة و ما لحقها من حفر في الاقتصاد ، وتجريف لمصادر البلد، وخراب بيوت، وقفل مصانع، وضرب سياحة، واكتمل الخراب بزمن الاخوان و ما أدراك ما زمن الاخوان. أزمة كهرباء، أزمة بنزين، وأزمة أنابيب، وبعدها ثورة ٣٠ يونيو، و مابعدها من خطوات لمحاولة إصلاح ما تم إفساده، و حروب الجيل الرابع و الاشاعات وتشجيع من فئة كبيرة في مصر على مقاطعة مصر سياحياً، وبوستات ضد السياحة و هكذا .. إذن نتائج الثورة كانت حفر الاقتصاد مش تحسين مستوي المعيشة .

تعالوا نشوف كام بلد كده..

الهند مثلا نسبة الفقر فيها كبيرة جداً و الطبقة المتوسطة تكاد تختفي، هل قامت فيها ثورة جياع؟!

اريتريا ، مالاوي ، زيمبابوي ، من أفقر الدول في العالم، هل قامت هناك ثورة جياع ؟

نشوف بقي نموذج إيجابي شوية كوريا الجنوبية، و انهيارها الاقتصادي من سنة ١٩٦١ إلى سنة ١٩٧٩ و انهيار البنية التحتية، ادارة دولة، اهتمام كبير، و بدايته الإقتصاد، والتركيز على الشركات العملاقة.. و اكيد كلنا عارفين كوريا الجنوبية اصبحت إزاي بالعمل و الادارة مش بثورة جياع.

و تعالوا نشوف الناس اللي كانت بتهتف بالعيش و الحرية في يناير و بتنادي دلوقتي بثورة جياع ... معظمهم اشتروا عربيات، سافروا و لفوا العالم و الباقي جاله منح معظمها في بريطانيا و يقولك ثورة جياع.

انا أسمع وأفهم عن الأزمة من واحد عايشها فعلًا، حارس العمارة، عامل في مصنع و بيكون كلامه شكوي من حال البلد و الدولار وربنا يصلح الاحوال، و بتكون الشكوي ايجابية و عمري ما سمعته بيقول نعمل ثورة جياع، بل بالعكس هو شايف ان اللي حصل للبلد بسبب الثورة و الحال قبلها كان احسن.. انما تبقى راكب مرسيدس و بتنادي بثورة جياع بالريموت كونترول وانت قاعد في الليفنج ده مش منطقي.

واحنا بقى كالعادة بنحب الجدال و الكيد و كالعادة كل واحد يحب ينزل بوست عن صورة السينيما كامل العدد ، الناس في الساحل ، عدد المدارس الدولية و مصاريفها و انا عن نفسي اتكلمت عن طابور الجبن اللي وقفت فيه ساعة وربع لحد ما يبجي دوري، قوم ايه نلاقي شتايم و اتهامات، وقصادها طبعاً بوستات ازمة انابيب ، طفل فقير في الشارع يفتقد فرحة العيد .. و هكذا.

ربنا لو خلق عين واحدة كان منطقي نشوف طرف واحد انما سبحانه و تعالي خلق لنا اتنين و لازم نشوف الجانبين و إلا هنكون بنضحك علي نفسنا ،، زي مافيه طوابير عالسينيما في طوابير عالمستشفيات الحكومية .. لاننا بلد و كل بلد فيها و فيها.

الناس دي دارسة و فاهمة كويس هي بتعمل إيه.. تحديد ميعاد مميز لشد الانتباه ١١/١١ معاد شيك جداً لثورة ، زي بالظبط ما الكتاب بيقول أعمل معاد للحدث مميز و محدد، يلفت النظر ، نبدأ ننزل بوستات و نكرر كلمة ثورة الجياع قبل الأكل و بعده لمده شهرين، و أي حد هيعترض أو ينزل بوستات عكسهم يلعبوا عالارهاب الفكري و يتهموك بالطبقية و انك في قصر عالي و مش حاسس بالغلابة عشان تسكت ، قوم ايه تترسخ في العقل و تبتدي تربط كل حدث حتى لو مفيش ربط بالثورة اللطيفة دي .
هل سألتوا نفسكم اللي هيعملوا ثورة الجياع دي عندهم تويتر و فيس بووك ولا حتي واي فاي؟ يبقى التوقيت ده ليه؟ و الغرض من النشر عالنت إيه، و بالانجليزي كمان!! عشان تحشد و تطبق خطط حروب الجيل الرابع في الحشد النتاوي زي ٢٥ يناير .. الأهم ان محدش يضحك علينا و يحقن مخنا بتكرار كلمة ثورة الجياع .. عشان هما ماشيين بمثل : بكتر الزن عالودان امَر من السحر .

أسوأ من كدة مرينا بيه و بلاد كتير مرت بيه ، الثورة الحقيقية هي ثورة العمل و القضاء على السلبيات.
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اضحك و اعمل بوستات كوميكس و كيد براحتك بس خلي بالك لان فيه خيط رفيع جداً ممكن يحولك لشخص طبقي ،، فإحذر هذه الدائرة !!! 
ورة الجياع هي أول ثورة تقوم في التاريخ فقد قام بها المصريون ضد الملك بيبي الثاني فحسب ما ورد في بردية ايبوير من وجود حالة مجاعة  وفقر وتردّى أحوال مصر في عهد الملك ووجود ثورة شعبية وكذلك حسب ما ورد في حجر جنوب سقّارة وهرم بيبى الثاني ونصوص الأهرام التي وجدت في أهرامات عائلة الملك بيبى الثاني في جنوب سقّارة من وصف لعصر بيبى الثاني بالآتى :
  • امتلك الحكم وهو طفل صغير.
  • كان يرسل البعثات الحربية في مختلف الأقطار وكان منتصرًا في مختلف الحروب.
  • ظلّ في سدّة الحكم فترة طويلة قيل 94 عام وقال البعض بل طلّ في الحكم قرابة 64 عام بسبب اختلافات في طريقة الحساب للسنوات بالنظام النصف سنوي.
  • حدثت مجاعة وفقر شديدة وهذا ما أكدّه المسح الجيولوجى للعصر الهولوسينى الحديث حيث تمّ تأكيد حدوث ظاهرة (4.2 Kiloyear) والتي تؤكّد وجود ظواهر انخفاض في منسوب النيل في مصر وكذلك في عدّة مناطق أخرى على مستوى الكوكب الأرضى منها بلاد العراق والجزيرة العربية وشمال أفريقيا ككل.
  • حدوث ثورة واضطراب شعبي كبير وهذا ما أكّدته برديات إيبوير.
و لهذا أعتقد شخصيًا اتّباعًا لبعض العلماء المتخصصين الذين ذكروا أنّ الملك (بيبى الثاني) هو فرعون موسى للأسباب التالية :
  • كان عصر الملك (بيبى الثاني) عصر فوضى ومجاعة وقحط وفقر واضطراب بعد وجود دلائل على قوّة وعظمة وسلطان شاسع.
  • عدم وجود أيّ دليل قوى يثبت وجود أبناء للملك (بيبى الثاني) وكذلك عدم وجود تدوين للفترة التي بعد الملك (بيبى الثاني) أحد أفراد الأسرة السادسة التي صُنّفت على أنّها ءاخر أسر عصر المملكة الفرعونية القديمة ممّا يعنى حالة كبيرة وعارمة من الفوضى لم تحدث من خلال احتلال أو انقسام وهذا ممّا هو معهود عن الفراعنة أنّهم لا يدونون إلّا انتصاراتهم وإشراقات عصرهم ممّا يقرّب فكرة وجود ثورة شعب إسرائيل على الفرعون وخروجهم من مصر وموت الفرعون بعد ذلك ممّا جعل كرسى المُلك فارغًا وبالتالى أحدث فراغًا سياسيًا هائلًا.
  • هرم الملك (بيبى الثاني) الذي أوضح المسح الهندسي أنّه تمّ هدمه وإعادة بناءه لأسباب مجهولة ممّا يؤكّد وجود سرًّا ما حول هذا الهرم الذي توحى قاعدته بأنّه كان ليصبح هرم كبير.
  • برديات إيبوير ووصفها للغرائب من فقر الأغنياء وغنى الفقراء والفوضى والفقر والقحط وانخفاض المياه وما غير ذلك من وصف لمرحلة تاريخية غريبة مليئة بالنكبات تقارب ما وصفته الكتب السماوية عن فترة خروج شعب إسرائيل من مصر.
  • عدم وجود تمثال واحد أو أثر واحد يمثّل الملك (بيبى الثاني) في صورة مهيبة بل على العكس يوجد له تمثالان أحدهما يظهر فيه الملك (بيبى الثاني) طفلًا تحمله أمّه على فخذها والآخر يظهر فيه طفلًا عاريًا بالرغم من وجود قصص ومرويات وتصوير له يثبت كونه ملكًا يمتلك انتصارات على الليبين والنوبيين وما غير ذلك من تسجيلات له.

http://www.masralarabia.com/%D8%AA%D9%82%D8%A7%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%B1-%D9%88%D8%AA%D8%AD%D9%82%D9%8A%D9%82%D8%A7%D8%AA/1237542-%D8%A8%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B5%D9%88%D8%B1-%D8%A8%D8%B9%D8%AF-%D8%BA%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%A1-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A3%D8%B3%D8%B9%D8%A7%D8%B1-%D8%A3%D9%87%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%8A-%D8%B7%D9%86%D8%B7%D8%A7-%D8%AB%D9%88%D8%B1%D8%A9-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AC%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%B9-%D9%82%D8%A7%D8%AF%D9%85%D8%A9

3/16/2016

Do you want know the ISIS ! so you must know the History of Wahhabism in Saudi Arabia

DO you want know the ISIS ! so you must know the History of  Wahhabism in Saudi Arabia



BEIRUT -- The dramatic arrival of Da'ish (ISIS) on the stage of Iraq has shocked many in the West. Many have been perplexed -- and horrified -- by its violence and its evident magnetism for Sunni youth. But more than this, they find Saudi Arabia's ambivalence in the face of this manifestation both troubling and inexplicable, wondering, "Don't the Saudis understand that ISIS threatens them, too?"

It appears -- even now -- that Saudi Arabia's ruling elite is divided. Some applaud that ISIS is fighting Iranian Shiite "fire" with Sunni "fire"; that a new Sunni state is taking shape at the very heart of what they regard as a historical Sunni patrimony; and they are drawn by Da'ish's strict Salafist ideology.













Other Saudis are more fearful, and recall the history of the revolt against Abd-al Aziz by the Wahhabist Ikhwan (Disclaimer: this Ikhwan has nothing to do with the Muslim Brotherhood Ikhwan -- please note, all further references hereafter are to the Wahhabist Ikhwan, and not to the Muslim Brotherhood Ikhwan), but which nearly imploded Wahhabism and the al-Saud in the late 1920s.

Many Saudis are deeply disturbed by the radical doctrines of Da'ish (ISIS) -- and are beginning to question some aspects of Saudi Arabia's direction and discourse.
THE SAUDI DUALITY
Saudi Arabia's internal discord and tensions over ISIS can only be understood by grasping the inherent (and persisting) duality that lies at the core of the Kingdom's doctrinal makeup and its historical origins.
One dominant strand to the Saudi identity pertains directly to Muhammad ibn ʿAbd al-Wahhab (the founder of Wahhabism), and the use to which his radical, exclusionist puritanism was put by Ibn Saud. (The latter was then no more than a minor leader -- amongst many -- of continually sparring and raiding Bedouin tribes in the baking and desperately poor deserts of the Nejd.)
The second strand to this perplexing duality, relates precisely to King Abd-al Aziz's subsequent shift towards statehood in the 1920s: his curbing of Ikhwani violence (in order to have diplomatic standing as a nation-state with Britain and America); his institutionalization of the original Wahhabist impulse -- and the subsequent seizing of the opportunely surging petrodollar spigot in the 1970s, to channel the volatile Ikhwani current away from home towards export -- by diffusing a cultural revolution, rather than violent revolution throughout the Muslim world.
But this "cultural revolution" was no docile reformism. It was a revolution based on Abd al-Wahhab's Jacobin-like hatred for the putrescence and deviationism that he perceived all about him -- hence his call to purge Islam of all its heresies and idolatries.
MUSLIM IMPOSTORS
The American author and journalist, Steven Coll, has written how this austere and censorious disciple of the 14th century scholar Ibn Taymiyyah, Abd al-Wahhab, despised "the decorous, arty, tobacco smoking, hashish imbibing, drum pounding Egyptian and Ottoman nobility who travelled across Arabia to pray at Mecca."
In Abd al-Wahhab's view, these were not Muslims; they were imposters masquerading as Muslims. Nor, indeed, did he find the behavior of local Bedouin Arabs much better. They aggravated Abd al-Wahhab by their honoring of saints, by their erecting of tombstones, and their "superstition" (e.g. revering graves or places that were deemed particularly imbued with the divine).
All this behavior, Abd al-Wahhab denounced as bida -- forbidden by God.
Like Taymiyyah before him, Abd al-Wahhab believed that the period of the Prophet Muhammad's stay in Medina was the ideal of Muslim society (the "best of times"), to which all Muslims should aspire to emulate (this, essentially, is Salafism).
Taymiyyah had declared war on Shi'ism, Sufism and Greek philosophy. He spoke out, too against visiting the grave of the prophet and the celebration of his birthday, declaring that all such behavior represented mere imitation of the Christian worship of Jesus as God (i.e. idolatry). Abd al-Wahhab assimilated all this earlier teaching, stating that "any doubt or hesitation" on the part of a believer in respect to his or her acknowledging this particular interpretation of Islam should "deprive a man of immunity of his property and his life."
One of the main tenets of Abd al-Wahhab's doctrine has become the key idea oftakfir. Under the takfiri doctrine, Abd al-Wahhab and his followers could deem fellow Muslims infidels should they engage in activities that in any way could be said to encroach on the sovereignty of the absolute Authority (that is, the King). Abd al-Wahhab denounced all Muslims who honored the dead, saints, or angels. He held that such sentiments detracted from the complete subservience one must feel towards God, and only God. Wahhabi Islam thus bans any prayer to saints and dead loved ones, pilgrimages to tombs and special mosques, religious festivals celebrating saints, the honoring of the Muslim Prophet Muhammad's birthday, and even prohibits the use of gravestones when burying the dead.

"Those who would not conform to this view should be killed, their wives and daughters violated, and their possessions confiscated, he wrote. "

Abd al-Wahhab demanded conformity -- a conformity that was to be demonstrated in physical and tangible ways. He argued that all Muslims must individually pledge their allegiance to a single Muslim leader (a Caliph, if there were one). Those who would not conform to this view should be killed, their wives and daughters violated, and their possessions confiscated, he wrote. The list of apostates meriting death included the Shiite, Sufis and other Muslim denominations, whom Abd al-Wahhab did not consider to be Muslim at all.


There is nothing here that separates Wahhabism from ISIS. The rift would emerge only later: from the subsequent institutionalization of Muhammad ibn ʿAbd al-Wahhab's doctrine of "One Ruler, One Authority, One Mosque" -- these three pillars being taken respectively to refer to the Saudi king, the absolute authority of official Wahhabism, and its control of "the word" (i.e. the mosque).


It is this rift -- the ISIS denial of these three pillars on which the whole of Sunni authority presently rests -- makes ISIS, which in all other respects conforms to Wahhabism, a deep threat to Saudi Arabia.


BRIEF HISTORY 1741- 1818


Abd al-Wahhab's advocacy of these ultra radical views inevitably led to his expulsion from his own town -- and in 1741, after some wanderings, he found refuge under the protection of Ibn Saud and his tribe. What Ibn Saud perceived in Abd al-Wahhab's novel teaching was the means to overturn Arab tradition and convention. It was a path to seizing power.

"Their strategy -- like that of ISIS today -- was to bring the peoples whom they conquered into submission. They aimed to instill fear. "



Ibn Saud's clan, seizing on Abd al-Wahhab's doctrine, now could do what they always did, which was raiding neighboring villages and robbing them of their possessions. Only now they were doing it not within the ambit of Arab tradition, but rather under the banner of jihad. Ibn Saud and Abd al-Wahhab also reintroduced the idea of martyrdom in the name of jihad, as it granted those martyred immediate entry into paradise.


In the beginning, they conquered a few local communities and imposed their rule over them. (The conquered inhabitants were given a limited choice: conversion to Wahhabism or death.) By 1790, the Alliance controlled most of the Arabian Peninsula and repeatedly raided Medina, Syria and Iraq.


Their strategy -- like that of ISIS today -- was to bring the peoples whom they conquered into submission. They aimed to instill fear. In 1801, the Allies attacked the Holy City of Karbala in Iraq. They massacred thousands of Shiites, including women and children. Many Shiite shrines were destroyed, including the shrine of Imam Hussein, the murdered grandson of Prophet Muhammad.


A British official, Lieutenant Francis Warden, observing the situation at the time, wrote: "They pillaged the whole of it [Karbala], and plundered the Tomb of Hussein... slaying in the course of the day, with circumstances of peculiar cruelty, above five thousand of the inhabitants ..."


Osman Ibn Bishr Najdi, the historian of the first Saudi state, wrote that Ibn Saud committed a massacre in Karbala in 1801. He proudly documented that massacre saying, "we took Karbala and slaughtered and took its people (as slaves), then praise be to Allah, Lord of the Worlds, and we do not apologize for that and say: 'And to the unbelievers: the same treatment.'"


In 1803, Abdul Aziz then entered the Holy City of Mecca, which surrendered under the impact of terror and panic (the same fate was to befall Medina, too). Abd al-Wahhab's followers demolished historical monuments and all the tombs and shrines in their midst. By the end, they had destroyed centuries of Islamic architecture near the Grand Mosque.


But in November of 1803, a Shiite assassin killed King Abdul Aziz (taking revenge for the massacre at Karbala). His son, Saud bin Abd al Aziz, succeeded him and continued the conquest of Arabia. Ottoman rulers, however, could no longer just sit back and watch as their empire was devoured piece by piece. In 1812, the Ottoman army, composed of Egyptians, pushed the Alliance out from Medina, Jeddah and Mecca. In 1814, Saud bin Abd al Aziz died of fever. His unfortunate son Abdullah bin Saud, however, was taken by the Ottomans to Istanbul, where he was gruesomely executed (a visitor to Istanbul reported seeing him having been humiliated in the streets of Istanbul for three days, then hanged and beheaded, his severed head fired from a canon, and his heart cut out and impaled on his body).


In 1815, Wahhabi forces were crushed by the Egyptians (acting on the Ottoman's behalf) in a decisive battle. In 1818, the Ottomans captured and destroyed the Wahhabi capital of Dariyah. The first Saudi state was no more. The few remaining Wahhabis withdrew into the desert to regroup, and there they remained, quiescent for most of the 19th century.


HISTORY RETURNS WITH ISIS


It is not hard to understand how the founding of the Islamic State by ISIS in contemporary Iraq might resonate amongst those who recall this history. Indeed, the ethos of 18th century Wahhabism did not just wither in Nejd, but it roared back into life when the Ottoman Empire collapsed amongst the chaos of World War I.




The Al Saud -- in this 20th century renaissance -- were led by the laconic and politically astute Abd-al Aziz, who, on uniting the fractious Bedouin tribes, launched the Saudi "Ikhwan" in the spirit of Abd-al Wahhab's and Ibn Saud's earlier fighting proselytisers.


The Ikhwan was a reincarnation of the early, fierce, semi-independent vanguard movement of committed armed Wahhabist "moralists" who almost had succeeded in seizing Arabia by the early 1800s. In the same manner as earlier, the Ikhwan again succeeded in capturing Mecca, Medina and Jeddah between 1914 and 1926. Abd-al Aziz, however, began to feel his wider interests to be threatened by the revolutionary "Jacobinism" exhibited by the Ikhwan. The Ikhwan revolted -- leading to a civil war that lasted until the 1930s, when the King had them put down: he machine-gunned them.


For this king, (Abd-al Aziz), the simple verities of previous decades were eroding. Oil was being discovered in the peninsular. Britain and America were courting Abd-al Aziz, but still were inclined to support Sharif Husain as the only legitimate ruler of Arabia. The Saudis needed to develop a more sophisticated diplomatic posture.


So Wahhabism was forcefully changed from a movement of revolutionary jihad and theological takfiri purification, to a movement of conservative social, political, theological, and religious da'wa (Islamic call) and to justifying the institution that upholds loyalty to the royal Saudi family and the King's absolute power.


OIL WEALTH SPREAD WAHHABISM


With the advent of the oil bonanza -- as the French scholar, Giles Kepel writes, Saudi goals were to "reach out and spread Wahhabism across the Muslim world ... to "Wahhabise" Islam, thereby reducing the "multitude of voices within the religion" to a "single creed" -- a movement which would transcend national divisions. Billions of dollars were -- and continue to be -- invested in this manifestation of soft power.




It was this heady mix of billion dollar soft power projection -- and the Saudi willingness to manage Sunni Islam both to further America's interests, as it concomitantly embedded Wahhabism educationally, socially and culturally throughout the lands of Islam -- that brought into being a western policy dependency on Saudi Arabia, a dependency that has endured since Abd-al Aziz's meeting with Roosevelt on a U.S. warship (returning the president from the Yalta Conference) until today.


Westerners looked at the Kingdom and their gaze was taken by the wealth; by the apparent modernization; by the professed leadership of the Islamic world. They chose to presume that the Kingdom was bending to the imperatives of modern life -- and that the management of Sunni Islam would bend the Kingdom, too, to modern life.

"On the one hand, ISIS is deeply Wahhabist. On the other hand, it is ultra radical in a different way. It could be seen essentially as a corrective movement to contemporary Wahhabism."


But the Saudi Ikhwan approach to Islam did not die in the 1930s. It retreated, but it maintained its hold over parts of the system -- hence the duality that we observe today in the Saudi attitude towards ISIS.
On the one hand, ISIS is deeply Wahhabist. On the other hand, it is ultra radical in a different way. It could be seen essentially as a corrective movement to contemporary Wahhabism.
ISIS is a "post-Medina" movement: it looks to the actions of the first two Caliphs, rather than the Prophet Muhammad himself, as a source of emulation, and it forcefully denies the Saudis' claim of authority to rule.
As the Saudi monarchy blossomed in the oil age into an ever more inflated institution, the appeal of the Ikhwan message gained ground (despite King Faisal's modernization campaign). The "Ikhwan approach" enjoyed -- and still enjoys -- the support of many prominent men and women and sheikhs. In a sense, Osama bin Laden was precisely the representative of a late flowering of this Ikhwani approach.
Today, ISIS' undermining of the legitimacy of the King's legitimacy is not seen to be problematic, but rather a return to the true origins of the Saudi-Wahhab project.
In the collaborative management of the region by the Saudis and the West in pursuit of the many western projects (countering socialism, Ba'athism, Nasserism, Soviet and Iranian influence), western politicians have highlighted their chosen reading of Saudi Arabia (wealth, modernization and influence), but they chose to ignore the Wahhabist impulse.
After all, the more radical Islamist movements were perceived by Western intelligence services as being more effective in toppling the USSR in Afghanistan -- and in combatting out-of-favor Middle Eastern leaders and states.


Why should we be surprised then, that from Prince Bandar's Saudi-Western mandate to manage the insurgency in Syria against President Assad should have emerged a neo-Ikhwan type of violent, fear-inducing vanguard movement: ISIS? And why should we be surprised -- knowing a little about Wahhabism -- that "moderate" insurgents in Syria would become rarer than a mythical unicorn? Why should we have imagined that radical Wahhabism would create moderates? Or why could we imagine that a doctrine of "One leader, One authority, One mosque: submit to it, or be killed" could ever ultimately lead to moderation or tolerance?

1/21/2015

STATE OF WAR IN #YEMEN #UPDATE

حرب اليمن
STATE OF WAR IN #YEMEN #UPDATE 

و هل من جديد!! اليمن دائما فى حالة حرب من وقت انضمام الجنوب و الحدة ودائما (الدولة) تحارب من يقف فى طريقة و (الدولة) فى اليمن ما هى الا عائلة الاحمر و حاشيتة فقط ,,,, فهمى ملكية لكن تحت اسم الجمهورية و اليمن دولة فاشلة بكل المقيايس من فساد فى كل نواحى الحياة و السلاح ارخص من الطعا و مخدر القات اهم من اى شئ لليمنين 
القات هو من الاسباب الرئيسية فى تدمير اليمن حيث دمر الاقتصاد ة دمر زراعة البن فى اليمن وانهاء المخزون المائى فى اليمن كلة حتى ان اليمن اصبحت اول عاصمة فى العالم بلا موارد مياة.

و ال سعود من اكثر من 60 عام و هما يحاربون اليمن من خلال مرتزقة من السياسين و المحاربين فى كل موسسات الدولة العفنة, حتى ال سعود استعلوا امريكا نفسة لتدمير الجمهورية فى اليمن, و دفع مليارات لزعماء القبائل لشراء سلاح وافتعل الفتنة فيما بينهما.

و زرع الخلافات فى ما بين اهل الجنوب و تحريضهما على الانفصال, حتى قامت ثورات التقسيم للشرق الاوسط الجديد و النظام العالمى و اهمية اليمن فقط فى باب المندب و البترول و الغاز ال>ى تحارب السعودية من اجلة حتى لا يكتشف ولكى يكون اليمن فقيرا.

و من بعد خلع على عبدالله صالح وهميا فقط وافتعل رئيس وهمى و لكن الحاكم الحقيقى هو صالح وعائلة الاحمر الى تحارب من اجل السيطر على خيرات اليمن البكر, اليمن دولة ليست فقيرة ولكنة دولة منهوبة وخيراتة تحت الارض لم تكتشف حتى الان.
و تدخل ايران لمساندة الحوثيين ماديا و عسكريا وكانت اقصى طموح مجموع الحوثى هى حكم محافظة عمران فقط.


وطبعا ال سعود حاربوهما حيث اصبح الحوثثين يد ايران فى اليمن وبالتالى لن تقف ال سعود متفرجين.
الحوثييين يتحركون باوامر صالح و ايران الان ولكن الان اصبحت حالة الحرب رسميا و ضاع اليمن السعيد بسبب الخونة والعملاء و المرتزقة دمروا اقدم دولة فى التاريخ.
و دور قطر الخبيث فى تدمير اليمن و مصر و تونس 
الحوثييون..
عجزوا عن احتلال قرية دماج والتي تبلغ مساحتها3 كم
فـ كيف اليوم يسيطرون على اليمن!!!
لاتقولون إيران!!!!!





A video posted by Akrăm Al Jăhmee 😏 (@akram_aljahmi) on

يتابع ......

1/01/2015

نهاية 2014 وبداية 2015

اممممممممم هتكلام على مصر الاول
احية طبعا على سنة 2014 من اولة لحد اخرة والى جاى اسود من الى فات و الى مش شايف دة اكيد ابن كلب اعمى اة او معرص و مستفيد من الى بيحصل و دول كتير اوى , طبعا فشخ الاخوان و مرسى والوسخة دية و السيسى و المجلس المعرص بتاع مبارك الى فعلا ركب على ثورة يناير 2011 الى شوفنا فية العجب و دم و عيون راحت للاسف ان الشعب ابن متناكة بطبعة طول عمرة شعب بيحي يعيش عبد ويعشق حياة العبودية و دة من ايام الفراعنة فا تقريبا دة فى الجينات المصريين انهم عبيد وبس.........
الى يزعل يخبطة فى الحيطة
يعنى بعد كل الى الى ماتوا والى راحت عيونهم و فى الاخر مبارك وعصابتة براة و الداخلية حمامة سلام, و احنا بقينا شعب بيتعاقب عقاب جماعى طبعا علشان شبابة فكر فى حريتة , كرامة ولقمة عيش لا اكتر ولا اقل بس ازى ما هما شعب عبيد

وطلع المعرصيين زى ما فى كل تاريخ طلع مبارك و عصابتة اطهر من الطاهرة نفسة والشعب هو المتهم اة هو كدة  ما هو قضاء مصر شامخ وعادل 

الى الواحد بيشوفة وبيسمعة وبقى يحصل و قطع الكهرباء  والقرف و الاشعار و عدم الامان و يا كدة يا هتبقى زى سوريا وليبيا ونجيب لك داعش هاة اختار انت بقى !! يا الوسخ يا الاوسخ

و الشعب دماغة اتغسلت وباقى تايهة و اتلعبت نفس اللعبة شعب ابن عرص بطبعة يا حب يكون عبد للفرعون وبس

هبقى اكمل بعدينا لحس اتبضنت ...............

9/19/2014

#Yemen: Clashes Unsettle the Capital #Sanaa


Fighting between Shia rebels and Sunni militias in Yemen has escalated, with clashes on the edge of the capital.


Armed rebels, known as Houthis, shelled buildings of the state TV and the main Sunni Islamist party, Islah, in Sanaa.
Hundreds of residents have fled their homes and international flights to the city have been suspended.
About 40 people have been killed since Tuesday, reports say. The rebels have staged protests for weeks, demanding political and economic reforms.
President Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi has dismissed the government and promised to review a decision to cut fuel subsidies.




Over the past few weeks the rebels have occupied protest camps on the road to the airport and staged sit-ins at ministry buildings, as well as clashed with fighters loyal to Islah.
On Thursday night Houthi fighters attacked the state television headquarters in Sanaa.
"The Houthi group is continuing to shell the television building with all kinds of weapons until this moment," the channel said on Friday morning.
As fighting intensified, foreign airlines suspended flights to the Sanaa.


"Arab and foreign airlines have decided to suspend their flights to Sanaa for 24 hours because of developments in the capital," the Civil Aviation Authority said in a statement on state news agency Saba.


The measures could be extended depending on the security situation, the statement added.

update : 9/20/2014






Post by Middle East Monitor.



















3/17/2014

#Nelson_Mandela and His legacy for #Yemen


Nelson Mandela was buried today at his family home in Qunu, South Africa. Over the last few days I have been reflecting on Mandela’s life, his achievements, and how – through the art of forgiveness, reconciliation and the power of dialogue – Mandela brought about visionary and historic change in South Africa. With the change happening all around us in Yemen, I wondered what we could learn from Mandela.
Last Tuesday, more than a hundred current and former heads of state or government attended Mandela’s memorial service to commemorate his life and times. The US’s President Obama and Cuba’s Raul Castro shook hands, showing that Mandela could help reconciliation from beyond the grave. As those who spoke at the service made clear, Mandela was an inspirational, visionary leader who became a legend in his own lifetime, and never forgot the values that were important to him.
Mandela’s dream was to see black and white South Africans living together as equals. So as part of the African National Congress Party, Mandela organised a resistance movement against the apartheid government. He was jailed for life in 1964 for his activities. The story could have ended there, but it didn’t.
Whilst in prison, Mandela overcame his own feelings of rage and bitterness towards the government for all the abuses and discrimination black South Africans had suffered under apartheid. But perhaps more importantly, Mandela learnt how to forgive, how to reconcile, and recognised the importance of looking forward, not back.
The lessons of forgiveness, reconciliation, looking forward, unity over a common dream, and the power of dialogue ring very true for Yemen today. They are the very issues that Yemen is grappling with in its transition.
As we saw in 2011, the glue that brought together the revolutionary youth, women and other proud Yemenis was their common dream to create a democratic, accountable and free society. One where there is a basic relationship between a government that listens to the needs of its people (water, security, electricity, health, education), and a people that mobilises civil society and the ballot box to put in power a government that will deliver those needs.
South Africa today still faces many challenges. Even with such a unique leader, Mandela could not change the country overnight – indeed, that was not his role. He was clear that each and every person had a responsibility to do their part. In his own words: “A fundamental concern for others in our individual and community lives would go a long way in making the world the better place we so passionately dreamt of.”
I sense fear in some Yemenis that whatever good they try and do, it will not make a difference. That the price of trying against entrenched interests will be too high. Mandela had some advice for you: “I learned that courage was not the absence of fear, but the triumph over it. The brave man is not he who does not feel afraid, but he who conquers that fear.”
And in spite of the difficulty of the task, he advised: “it always seems impossible until it’s done.” Sometimes, a successful transition in Yemen seems impossible, but one day, with the efforts of all Yemenis, it will be done.

By jane marriott Ambassador of Great England in Yemen

2/21/2014

As #Egypt 's Tourism Industry Crumbles, Business Owners Look To Military General To Restore Security

When Egyptians rose up against their government three years ago, it wasn’t just dictator Hosni Mubarak’s reign that crumbled. The mass protests, political instability, and now, increasingly frequent terrorist attacks, have devastated Egypt’s once-thriving tourism sector.

For many Egyptians still working in the industry today, there is only one answer to their problems: Gen. Abdel-Fattah el-Sissi, who is gearing up for a likely presidential bid and is seen as a leader who will bring back security to businesses.
"Sissi is the only man who can solve Egypt’s problems," said Emad Nour, a third-generation shopkeeper in Cairo’s sprawling Khan el-Khalili bazaar, where tourists used to flock before the unrest began. "He can fix the security problem here."
Nour once made a decent living making intricate tables, traditional lamps and other handmade items that often attract tourists. But nowadays he, like many other vendors, has barely anyone coming to his shop.
"We depend on tourism," he said with dismay. "If there are no tourists, our lives are not good." Lots of stores around him have closed down, he said, adding that many shop owners have given up and changed professions entirely.
At Cairo’s ancient Giza Pyramids, which used to be swarming with foreigners, desperate vendors and guides with skinny horses now harass the occasional straggling tourists. Buses carrying tourists from the capital to resort towns along the Red Sea now travel in armed convoys through the restive Sinai, where hardline militants have launched a campaign against security forces. Once bustling hotels and youth hostels are eerily quiet.
From 2009 to 2010, before the revolution, Egypt took in $11.6 billion from tourism,according to Reuters. But 2012 to 2013 were marked by a devastating dip in tourism, with Egypt only earning $9.75 billion from the industry. Following the military's ouster of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi last year, tourism fell by a whopping 45 percent, Tourism Minister Hisham Zaazou told Reuters.
Under the military-backed government, unrest has surged. In recent weeks alone,gunmen assassinated a top government figure, a jihadist group targeted security forces in Cairo with four bombs, and dozens of anti-government protesters have been killed in clashes with police.
On Jan. 29, the U.S. Embassy in Cairo urged its citizens to "limit their movements to the near vicinity of their neighborhoods," warning against traveling outside of Egypt’s cities by car. And many governments, like the United States and the United Kingdom, have issued travel alerts for Egypt.
Thousands of dissidents have been imprisoned, and rights groups and critics have slammed the interim government as repressive and increasingly authoritarian. Yet despite a heavy-handed crackdown on what the state has labeled a "war on terrorism," many Egyptians, especially those working in tourism, say forceful rule is the only way to restore security.
"We need a man who can stabilize everything," said Abdel Rahman Aly, a tourism company owner. "I’m against a man with a military background, but there is no one else."
In Egypt, Sissi is portrayed as a national hero. Posters bearing his face are plastered everywhere. Pro-government protesters who rallied on Jan. 25, the three-year anniversary of the revolution, didn’t chant revolutionary slogans of "bread, freedom, and social justice." Instead, they wore Sissi masks and praised the military leader for cracking down on violence.
"This man is an idol," Aly said. "If that works for everyone else, that works for me."
Aly says the only reason his company is still afloat is because he has started coordinating international trips for Egyptians, having largely given up on foreigners coming to the country. But with military checkpoints everywhere and a very real fear of terrorist attacks, the success of even this venture seems improbable.
Unlike Aly, some have their doubts that Sissi can up live to the expectations of his cult-like followers.
"The notion that Sissi can curb terrorist attacks is odd in my view," said Shadi Hamid, a Middle East analyst and fellow at the Brookings Institution’s Saban Center. "Under Sissi, over the last seven months, terrorist attacks have increased significantly. Brute force seems to be his approach to dealing with things -- but that’s not how you defeat terrorism."
Dr. Kareem Eltamamy, the owner of Dahab Hostel, a once bustling youth hostel just a short walk from Tahrir Square, agrees with that sentiment.
"If Sissi became president, the Muslim Brotherhood or whoever is making these explosions will just become more angry," he said, mirroring popular consensus that the Islamist group is behind the attacks, even though a Sinai-based jihadist group has claimed responsibility for most of the recent terrorist attacks across Egypt.
Eltamamy said his hostel, which is widely known among backpackers and budget travelers in Egypt, doesn't come close to reaching capacity on a good day. He describes the past few months in a single word: "hell." Unlike many Egyptians who wholly believe in Sissi’s promise to quell the violence, he doesn’t think the current security situation, or the tourism sector, will turn around anytime soon.
But after three years of tumult, he said he doesn’t know how it could get much worse.
Eltamamy recently poured money into remodeling his hostel, hoping to draw in tourists from the "adventurous" crowd he says now occasionally comes through. But so far, it hasn’t helped.
"Nobody wants to go to a country that is exploding," he said with a sigh.