‏إظهار الرسائل ذات التسميات Protest world. إظهار كافة الرسائل
‏إظهار الرسائل ذات التسميات Protest world. إظهار كافة الرسائل

7/26/2013

Declare the #Muslim_Brotherhood A Terrorist Organization #Egypt


Declare the Muslim Brotherhood A Terrorist Organization

41,801 Letters and Emails Sent So Far

Declare the Muslim Brotherhood A Terrorist Organization
The Obama Administration has resisted naming the Muslim Brotherhood a terrorist organization. But if any group deserved to be on that list, the Brotherhood does. Ever since 1962, it has worked to convert Americans to jihad and Islamist extremism. It is actively building terrorist cells in the United States.

And the evidence is that it is succeeding. More and more of the terrorist attacks on American soil are coming from people who live here, many of whom converted to Islam through the work of the Brotherhood.

Since 9-11, 156 men have been indicted for terror-related activities. 127 of them had lived in the U.S. for ten years or more at the time of their arrest. One-third of these terrorists converted to Islam in their teens or twenties, most often through the efforts of the Muslim Brotherhood.

Inclusion on the list of terrorist organizations is no symbolic step. The feds block donations to such groups and deny them access to all sorts of financial, administrative, and other aids.

Internationally, of course, the Muslim Brotherhood is working zealously to replace the secular liberalism of the Arab Spring with hard-core, Shariah-compliant, theocratic dictatorships. Suppressing women, eliminating free speech, persecuting Christians, and preaching hatred of Jews, Israel, and America, the Brotherhood is gradually taking over the Middle East as first dictators and now monarchs fall from power.

To fight an enemy, you need to name it as your adversary and that is why including the Muslim Brotherhood on the list of terrorist groups is so important.

Legislation is pending in Congress to require the State Department to include the group on their terrorist list. With your help, we have a good chance of passing this important legislation.

For more information about the Muslim Brotherhood and to enlist in the battle to contain it, go to Citizens for National Security (www.cfns.us), a group struggling to “out” the Brotherhood.  They the the leading group advocating inclusion of the Muslim Brotherhood on the terrorist list.

Please sign the petition below to urge our Congress to protect America and take a stand against Terrorism.  We will forward your signature to the President and to your Senators and Congressman. We will also forward them to Citizens for National Security.  Please be sure to include your email and your mailing address so we can do so.  

We'll add your email address to our Alerts list so we can keep you posted on progress and next steps.

Thanks for signing,

Dick Morris

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7/06/2013

#Egypt Erupts

With the military and Muslim Brotherhood locked in a dramatic power struggle, photos of the turmoil gripping Cairo. 


Fireworks burst over Tahrir Square on July 3. 


Hundreds of Egyptian protesters gather in Tahrir Square on July 3. 


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A fire burns following clashes between anti-Morsy crowds and members of the Muslim Brotherhood on July 5, in Cairo.



Morsy supporters hold makeshift weapons and take part in a drill during a demonstration at the Rabaa al Adawiya Mosque in the suburb of Nasr City on July 2 in Cairo.


Officers of the Egyptian Republican Guard celebrate at the gates of the Republican Guard headquarters in the suburb of Nasr City on July 3 in Cairo. 


On July 5, protesters remain in Tahrir Square as a military helicopter flies overhead. 


People celebrate in Tahrir Square. A woman holds up a portrait of Gen. Abdel Fattah al-Sisi. 



Soldiers of the Egyptian Republican Guard stand guard at the gates of Egypt's Presidential Palace in the suburb of Heliopolis on July 3 in Cairo, Egypt. 


A group tries to keep people away from the October 6 Bridge following clashes between anti-Morsy crowds and members of the Muslim Brotherhood on July 5, in Cairo. 



Thousands of Egyptian protesters gather in Cairo's Tahrir Square on July 3 as the military's deadline for Morsy to compromise with the opposition approaches.

Thousands continue to celebrate the ousting of President Mohamed Morsy in Tahrir Square on July 5.
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 Protesters opposed to ousted Egyptian President Mohamed Morsy in Tahrir Square on July 6, carry posters representing those who were killed during the demonstrations. 

A day after supporters of former Egyptian President Mohamed Morsy, who was ousted from office on July 3, rallied to protest his removal inciting nationwide violence, Egyptians dealt with the aftermath and spent Saturday tending to the wounded and burying the dead. Recent counts say that 36 people were reportedly killed and 1,400 others injured in the street fights that broke out on July 5 between pro- and anti-Morsy demonstrators.  
A group of Egyptian men carry the coffin of a victim killed in the fighting that broke out on Friday, during a funeral in the al-Manial neighborhood in Cairo on July 6.


A fire burns following clashes between anti-Morsy crowds and members of the Muslim Brotherhood on July 5, in Cairo.

Egyptian opposition protesters celebrate as night falls on Cairo. 


Egyptian protesters celebrate in Tahrir Square as the deadline given by the military to Morsy passes on July 3 in Cairo, Egypt. Tanks and soldiers moved toward the presidential palace and ringed the square where Morsy's supporters rallied.  


Egyptian protesters calling for the ouster of Morsy react as they watch his defiant speech on a screen in a street leading to the presidential palace early in Cairo on July 3. 


Egyptian opposition protesters continue to celebrate the ousting of President Mohamed Morsy in Tahrir Square on July 4. 


An Egyptian army helicopter flies over protesters calling for the ouster of Morsy in Tahrir Square on July 3.

Egyptian opposition in Cairo on July 3. 


A protester injured in clashes between supporters and opponents of the ruling Muslim Brotherhood outside Cairo University on July 3. 


An anti-Morsy protester is carried out of the fray after he was allegedly shot by Muslim Brotherhood supporters in Tahrir Square during fighting between the two camps on July 5, in Cairo. 
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A group tries to keep people away from the October 6 Bridge following clashes between anti-Morsy crowds and members of the Muslim Brotherhood on July 5, in Cairo. 

7/05/2013

Coup? What coup? its Freedom form #Muslim_Brotherhood #Terrorism #egypt #30june

 Coup? What coup? its Freedom form #Muslim_Brotherhood #Terrorism #egypt #30june

Certainly not on Tahrir Square, or pretty much anywhere in polite, liberal society in Egypt.
As military jets periodically screamed over Cairo, even performing a formation salute with colored smoke trails, many Egyptians took pains to stress that the toppling of their elected president, announced by a general, was not a "coup".


"A coup? No!" said Ahmed Eid, 19, a business studies student at Cairo University, as he and his friends snapped souvenir pictures of each other, draped in the national flag, on Tahrir Square. "This was our new revolution!"
"Our president was very bad. The army are our brothers."
For educated liberals in the capital, ending the year-long X presidency of Mohamed Mursi of the Muslim Brotherhood was worth resorting to the national tradition of military force - even at the risk of the new democracy born out of the overthrow of Hosni Mubarak in 2011's Arab Spring.
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With foreign goodwill - and aid dollars - at risk, however, it is now imperative to show Mursi was wrong when - from the Republican Guard barracks where he is detained - he branded the manoeuvre against him "a total military coup".

Many outside Egypt found it hard to fault Mursi's logic. But Egyptians have proven creative in contradicting him.
Not a "coup" but a "popular impeachment" was one original expression, put forward by Amr Moussa.

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A foreign minister under Mubarak, he now leads of one of the liberal parties that endorsed the "roadmap" back to democracy spelled out by the armed forces chief on Wednesday when he went on television, in full uniform, to suspend the constitution.
"Some Western media insist what happened in Egypt was a coup d'etat. In fact, this was unfair," Moussa, who headed the Arab League until two years ago, told Reuters - as military helicopters clattered overhead near the Nile riverbank.
"This was a popular uprising, a popular revolution," he added. "In fact it was a popular impeachment of the president."
The army did not take the initiative, he said, it heeded mass protests which put millions on the streets on Sunday.
"It didn't come as a result of a meeting between a few officers," he said. "It was the people who insisted."

A LITTLE UNDERSTANDING
The wild euphoria on Tahrir Square, reprising that which greeted Mubarak's end, offered support to that view.
"I hope that the response coming from Washington and ... from several Western capitals will be to understand," Moussa said, well aware that aid may depend on that. "Yes, indeed, former president Mursi was democratically elected but after that, his performance was ... against the will of the people."
Over at the Foreign Ministry, Mohamed Kamel Amr, a career diplomat who tendered his resignation as foreign minister to Mursi after Sunday's mass protests, is still in his office - he'll remain there now until an interim government arrives.
He was busy on Thursday, working the phones, calling U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry among others to insist that Washington should have no worries about cutting off aid to Cairo because "definitely what happened was not a military coup".
In Amr's view, "a military coup means the military will come, overthrow a civilian government and sit in their place".

"What happened actually is totally the opposite," he said. "There is ... no political role whatsoever, for the military.
"You cannot not tell me that this is a military coup. This is not a military coup. On the contrary, this is the total opposite of a military coup.
"This is not a military coup in any way."

Many outside observers, don't see it that way: "I understand Egyptians are sensitive about the word 'coup' because of the negative connotation," said Shadi Hamid of the Brookings Doha Center. "But that doesn't change reality - it's a coup."

With aid on the line, it's not just semantics, he conceded.
But among the snack vendors, flags and post-party squalor of Tahrir on Thursday, in between barnstorming military fly-pasts, it was hard to find anyone ready to criticize the generals.
"The army are with us, with the revolution," laughed Katya Ramzi, 64, as she strolled, flag in hand, with daughter Heidi.
"This is not a coup."

6/05/2013

A Shameful Neglect

 Afghanistan's iniquities are grotesque. At Kabul University last week, zealots -- all men -- protested a law that would abolish child marriage, forced marriage, marital rape, and the odious practice, called ba'ad, of giving girls away to settle offenses or debts. Meanwhile, in jails all over the country, 600 women, the highest number since the fall of the Taliban, await trial on charges of such moral transgressions as having been raped or running away from abusive homes. 




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It is tempting to wring our hands at such obscene bigotry, to pity Afghanistan's women and vilify its men. Instead, we must look squarely at our own complicity in the shameful circumstances of Afghan women, billions of international aid dollars and 12 years after U.S. warplanes first bombed their ill-starred land.
I have been traveling to Afghanistan since 2001, mostly to its hardscrabble hinterland, where the majority of Afghans live. Over the years, I have cooked rice and traded jewelry with Afghan women, cradled their anemic children, and fallen asleep under communal blankets in their cramped mud-brick homes. I have seen firsthand that the aid we give ostensibly to improve their lives almost never makes it to these women. Today, just as 12 years ago, most of them still have no clean drinking water, sanitation, or electricity; the nearest clinic is still often a half day's walk away, and the only readily available palliative is opium. Afghan mothers still watch their infants die at the highest rate in the world, mostly of waterborne diseases such as bacterial and protozoal diarrhea, hepatitis, and typhoid.
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Instead of fixing women's lives, our humanitarian aid subsidizes Afghanistan's kleptocrats, erects miniature Versailles in Kabul and Dubai for the families of the elite, and buys the loyalty of sectarian warlords-turned-politicians, some of whom are implicated in sectarian war crimes that include rape. Yet, for the most part, the U.S. taxpayers look the other way as the country's amoral government steals or hands out as political kickbacks the money that was meant to help Afghan women -- all in the name of containing what we consider the greater evil, the Taliban insurgency. In other words, we have made a trade-off. We have joined a kind of a collective ba'ad, a political deal for which the Afghan women are the price.
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To be sure, a lot of well-meaning Westerners and courageous Afghans have worked very hard to improve women's conditions, and there has been some headway as far as women's rights are concerned. The number of girls signed up for school rose from just 5,000 before the U.S.-led invasion to 2.2 million. In Kabul and a handful of other cities, some women have swapped their polyester burqas for headscarves. Some even have taken jobs outside their homes. But here, too, progress has been uneven. A fifth of the girls enrolled in school never attend classes, and most of the rest drop out after fourth grade. Few Afghan parents prioritize education for their daughters because few Afghan women participate in the country's feudal economy, and because Afghan society, by and large, does not welcome education for girls or emancipation of women. To get an idea about what the general Afghan public thinks of emancipation, consider this: the post-2001 neologism "khanum free" -- "free woman," with the adjective transliterated from the English -- means "a loose woman," "a prostitute." In villages, women almost never appear barefaced in front of strangers.
Doffing their burqas is the least of these women's worry. Their real problem is the intangible and seemingly irremovable shroud of endless violence. It stunts infrastructure and perpetuates insecurity and fear. It deprives women of the basic human rights we take for granted: to have enough food and drinking water that doesn't fester with disease; to see all of their children live past the age of five. The absence of basic necessities and the violence that has concussed Afghanistan almost continuously since the beginning of recorded history are the main reasons the country has the fifth-lowest life expectancy in the world. The war Westerners often claim to be fighting in the name of Afghan women instead helps prolong their hardship -- with little or no compensation. And now, as the deadline for the international troop pullout approaches, the country is spinning toward a full-blown civil war. A handful of hardline men shouting slogans at Kabul University fades in comparison.
How to help Afghan women? The road to their wellbeing begins with food security, health care that works, and a government that protects them against sectarian violence. Right now, none of these exist. I wish I could offer an adequate solution to the tragic circumstances of the women of Afghanistan's back-of-beyond. There does not appear to be one. Hurling yet more aid dollars into a intemperate funnel that will never reach their villages is not the answer: there is little reason to believe that we can count that such funding would be spent on creating enough mobile clinics to pay regular visits to remote villages; build roads that would allow the women and their families easy access to market; facilitate sanitation projects that would curb major waterborne diseases. The impending troop withdrawal means that women's security will likely go from bad to worse.
Is it possible to ensure that some of the funding we now hand to Karzai and Co. -- an estimated $15.7 billion in 2010-2011, according to the CIA (and that's not counting the infamous ghost money) -- is distributed among the small non-profits that actually are trying to make life in Afghanistan livable, organizations that create mobile clinics to pay regular visits to remote villages, build roads that allow villagers easier access to market, facilitate sanitation projects that curb major waterborne diseases? This could be a start, but only if these organizations continue to work in Afghanistan after NATO troops leave. That, too, is in question now: this week an attack against the International Committee for Red Cross led the organization to suspend its operations in the country for the first time in almost 30 years. But wringing our hands at Afghan women's abysmal state and shaky social status is not a way out. It is a navel-gazing conversation that avoids looking squarely at our role in perpetuating the very dire condition we condemn

6/01/2013

#Turkey protests: Unrest rages in #Istanbul and #Ankara

Turkey has entered a second day of violent protests, with fresh clashes between police and demonstrators in Istanbul
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Tear gas was again fired on Saturday at protesters in Istanbul and Ankara.
In a defiant speech, PM Recep Tayyip Erdogan insisted that the park project would go ahead.
He also said that police would remain in Taksim Square to preserve order.
Correspondents say that what began as a local issue has spiralled into more widespread anger at the government and ruling Justice and Development (AK) Party.
Transport lockdown Hundreds of demonstrators marched over the bridge connecting the Asian and European shores of Istanbul on Saturday morning to try to reach the main square.
Police fired tear gas to try to disperse them and some protesters threw rocks.
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Watch live streaming video from revoltistanbul at livestream.com
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