‏إظهار الرسائل ذات التسميات Terrorism. إظهار كافة الرسائل
‏إظهار الرسائل ذات التسميات Terrorism. إظهار كافة الرسائل

11/20/2013

12 killed in soldiers’ bus rammed by #Sinai suicide car bomber #Egypt

A suicide bomber rammed his explosive-laden car into one of two buses carrying off-duty soldiers in Egypt’s turbulent northern Sinai region, killing 10 and seriously wounding 35, military officials said.

They said the bomber struck as the buses travelled between the border town of Rafah and the coastal city of el-Arish. The explosion damaged bothvehicles. The 10 victims were the bus’s driver, three members of a security detail and six of the off-duty soldiers, according to a statement by Colonel Mohammed Ahmed Ali, a military spokesman.
“The precious blood of our sons strengthens our resolve to cleanse Egypt and shield its sons from violence and treacherous terrorism,” he wrote on his Facebook page.
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The wounded were being treated in military hospitals, he said.

The soldiers belong to the 2nd Field Army, which is doing most of the fighting against Islamic militants waging an insurgency against security forces in Sinai. The buses were on their way to Cairo, the officials said.
The northern Sinai region, which borders Gaza and Israel, has been restless for years, but attacks have grown more frequent and deadlier since Islamist President Mohammed Morsi was ousted in July.
There was no immediate claim of responsibility for the attack, but suicide car bombings are a signature method by militant groups linked to or inspired by al-Qaida. It was the latest in a series of similar attacks targeting army and police facilities and checkpoints. In August, gunmen pulled 25 police conscripts off minibuses in the Sinai and shot them dead by the side of the main road linking Rafah to el-Arish.
Northern Sinai’s violence occasionally has spilled over into cities in the southern part of the peninsula as well as mainland Egypt, targeting police, soldiers and politicians. In September, the Interior Minister, who is in charge of the police, survived an assassination attempt by a suicide carbomber. Earlier this week, a senior security officer who monitors Islamist groups, including Mr Morsi’s Muslim Brotherhood, was shot dead as he drove in Cairo’s eastern Nasr City district.
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8/18/2013

حملة إلكترونية لإدراج «الإخوان» ضمن قائمة «المنظمات الإرهابية» بالعالم #Egypt

تم تدشين الحملة العالمية لجمع التوقيعات لكى يتم ارداج منظمة الاخوان المسلمين ضمن منظمات الارهاب الدولية ولمطالبة منظمات المجتمع الدولي، ومناشدة  بأصحاب الضمير الشرفاء فى كل مكان، بحظر نشاط الجماعة بكل ما هو متاح من الوسائل، واعتبارها تنظيمًا إرهابيًا، ومصادرة مقراتها وأملاكها وأموالها،

للتوقيع من هنا
لمطالبة منظمات المجتمع الدولي، ومناشدة ما وصفهم بأصحاب الضمير الشرفاء فى كل مكان، بحظر نشاط الجماعة بكل ما هو متاح من الوسائل، واعتبارها تنظيمًا إرهابيًا، ومصادرة مقراتها وأملاكها وأموالها، حسب الصفحة الرسمية للموقع. - See more at: http://almogaz.com/news/politics/2013/08/18/1057029#sthash.wmdlIio3.dpuf

7/28/2013

An account of torture in #Rabea #Egypt



With its one-month anniversary around the corner and attacks on its participants only increasing, tensions are high at the Rabea al-Adaweya Muslim Brotherhood sit-in, defiance now sharing the air with paranoia and suspicion. Reports of the torturing of “infiltrators” by the sit-in’s members have by this point been confirmed—the same cannot be said of claimed sightings of bodies being removed from the area. Meanwhile, another form of escalation seems to be taking place.

Speaking to Mada Masr under condition of anonymity, 40-year-old Tarek Badr (not his real name) describes how his efforts to renew a driver’s license last Monday resulted in his temporary detainment and physical abuse.
“Obviously, that whole area is part of the [pro-Morsi] sit-in, they’ve occupied the entrance to that building as well,” Badr says of the Nasr City Traffic/Motor Registry Department, which stands directly adjacent to the mosque around which the sit-in was formed. “I went down alone but there were several other people there, trying to get their paperwork done as well.”
The group attempted to access the building, but “people began to gather around us, telling us that we had to accept Morsi as our president and that we were doing Islam a huge disservice by not respecting him enough. We told them we just wanted to get our paperwork done, and that it shouldn’t take more than an hour if they’d let us through.”



Meanwhile a side conversation was going on, one which Badr thought “seemed to have been started by a resident of [the buildings currently besieged by the sit-in] who had been trying to reason with the protestors.” Volunteers from the sit-in’s security team then showed up (“I could tell because of their helmets and padded vests”) and asked some questions before rounding up 13 of the outsiders and escorting them from the scene.




“It wasn’t directly forceful, the way they took us,” he says. “But it didn’t have to be—it’s their sit-in, their territory. The group that moved the 13 of us consisted of ten or fewer individuals but what are you going to do?”
As they moved through the sit-in, “none of its members seemed to notice or care about what was going on, or had any objection about the fact that we were clearly being lead somewhere.”
The 13 men were then lined up along the wall of a public school across from the Motor Registry Department, somewhat removed from the heart of the sit-in. “They made us face the wall as they searched us, and took our wallets and phones. They struck us on our backs and necks with sticks and their bare hands. The whole time they were questioning us—not for anything useful, just to understand how and why we were not accepting Morsi as our ‘master’—that’s the word they used. They called us the ‘enemies of Islam’.”
Although some of the men attempted to object to their treatment, Badr suffered silently. “I could see what happened with the people who spoke up—they just got struck for it, and harsher insults. And I thought of what I’ve seen in the news recently—I didn’t want to have my fingers amputated, or worse. And for what? There is no conversation that could have been had, no room for any sort of discussion.”
“I did want to ask them, though: Why all this? Why build a so-called Islamic state in a public square? Aren’t we all Egyptians, and isn’t this a Muslim country? Why is it that you’re in a country yet all you can see of it is this square? At the very least, welcome the people who come to this square, then. Don’t terrorize and antagonize them.”
“But I said nothing,” he admits.
The 13 men—“two of whom seemed under 30, one was definitely over 50, and the rest in the middle”—were then divided into two groups. “They took eight of us away from the school, and I could tell the five that stayed behind were the ones deemed responsible for starting that conversation earlier.”
“To be honest, I can’t remember the faces of any of the other men,” he says. “But the older man was among the five kept at the school.”
Away from the school, the men were given LE20 each, told to return to the sit-in after iftar to reclaim their possessions, and finally released. “I didn’t want to go back there, obviously,” Badr claims. “I made some calls, searching for someone who might have a reliable contact within the Brotherhood to go back with me to Rabaa.”
The following morning he returned to the sit-in with a sympathetic Brother, he says, and was directed to a “lost items” stand where, from a plastic bag, a sit-in volunteer returned a wallet minus its money and one of two cellular phones.
“I thanked them for their courtesy and accommodation, and left,” he says. “Of course, they tried to apologize, claiming that the whole situation was just a giant misunderstanding and that this isn’t the way the Muslim Brotherhood operates, it’s just the pressure they were under—of course, there was none of this talk the previous day.”
Similar statements were made by the son of a leading Brotherhood figure who also spoke to Mada Masr under condition of anonymity. “There is torture that goes on in the sit-in, but I was surprised to find out about it. I’ve since seen it—the amputations, the electrocution—that stuff is real. But it is not condoned, nor an official position. There’s little supervision on the sit-in and things can get out of hand.”
The son—who claims to no longer be a member of the group—feels the need to point out that “the Brothers who got arrested while taking a torture victim to the hospital, they were the ones who actually freed that man from the square—they’re my friends, that’s how I found out about all this.”
But these claims do little to placate those who survived what can be considered much milder abuses at the heart of the Islamist sit-in. “I was called an infidel countless times,” he says. “The enthusiasm displayed by [those men] for verbal and physical abuse is incredible, and that’s what upset me the most—that and the fact that there was nothing to justify their behavior. In fact, it seemed like they wanted to provoke something from us—to have us give them a reason.”
Between repeated calls by significant segments of the population for the clearing of the Islamist sit-ins, echoed in ultimatums by the Armed Forces and proposals by the government—the most recent of which being a siege to “starve out” the protestors—members of the sit-in likely feel they already have all the reasons they need to in order to justify their stance. Others, including Badr, disagree. “A true Islamist state—like the one they claim to have created in Rabaa—would accept people and invite conversation,” he suggests. “Instead, they reject both.”

6/06/2013

Terrorism has no religion only in #Egypt government

الارهاب لا دين لة فقط فى مصر لة حكومة
Terrorism has no religion only in Egypt government